Why Today’s SDSM Cannot Beat VMRO-DPMNE
The majority takes it all model of Government creation, the reality of Albanian factor which is sufficiently emancipated and virtually non-existing third option make it impossible to SDSM to put the name-issue high in agenda. Past several years of VMRO-DPMNE fascist leadership over society, for all of its false, identity-crisis and Pseudo-Hellenising policies managed to pit forward various social programs. While the later are of dubious nature in terms of their final outcome and they are more resembling socialist regimes, they complemented in the eyes of electorate the identity-building forces. SDSM still suffers from the inability to juxtapose itself as a national party in contrast with VMRO-DPMNE’s policies. SDSM is still plagued by 1990’s autocracy and the so-called period of transition to free capital economy, a period within which SDSM party-nepotism created oligarchs as protagonists of politics, at expense of younger, more urban and politically-educated party members. After the socialist features of the society were turned into economic structure of conventional free market economy, paradoxally by former Communist who are still staple within second and third echelons of SDSM, it is not hard to see that state-intervention and formation of collectivist economy is now ruled by more efficient in amortization of social tensions by classic socialist and communist tax redistribution VMRO-DPMNE. This socialist modus operandi of VMRO-DPMNE is solidifying links of party with undecided voters.
SDSM is powerless, in spite of significant support of sections of society not-embraced by national-communism of VMRO-DPMNE, but with its inability to project cohesive identity, which VMRO-DPMNE managed to do with its Pseudo-Hellenisation of space and onset of building a new national narrative. The statement of candidate for mayor of Skopje Yani Makraduli (SDSM) on the next local election (March 2013) that “nothing shall be demolished which was build by the previous government” is symptomatic. If we add that for the decade VMRO-DPMNE top strata did not changed persons from the period of transition, unlike more inclusive of young people VMRO-DPMNE, one can conclude that this is a struggle of all-inclusive ethno-social statism (VMRO-DPMNE) and bureaucratic pseudo-intellectualism blocked by its own repetitive program which was not adapted to Pseudo-Macedonian antiquity-covered populism and socialism. The average voter finds risk in dissolution of redistributive schemes of VMRO-DPMNE with a system which would be close to classical liberalism But the latter’s implication of meritocracy, simplified administration and reorganization of society on basis of free market has no political embodiment in FYROM.
Thus, as a finnal conclusion drawn from this expose is that both loyal voters of either SDSM or VMRO-DPMNE seek to elect lesser evil in the realm of their own social status. The belonging to the Macedonian (sic) people either of ancient Doric (presented in a falsified manner) or Slavic, Serbo-Bulgarian developed by leftist intelligentsia from late 19th century to the first time proclamation on AVNOJ session in Yugoslavia in 1943, and which is an ideological heritage of SDSM, is integral and primary form of social cohesion which both sides fight for in Machiavellian manner.
Thus, for any solution which means exclusion of any usage of Macedonian name in internal context, a process of awakening the issue in form of competing nationalisms: Serbian and Bulgarian, may grant legitimacy to genuine history and forms of culture existent with centuries. SDSM’s reactionary acting opposition is not protagonist of this metabolic process but it support a Macedonism of its own, WWII variant. That is why SDSM, in unlikely case they win any future parliamentary election, are likely to be signatories of any exclusion of Macedonian name imprinted by their ideological ancestors, local Yugoslav national-Communists, erga omnes: both internally and externally.
By Vladislav Perunovic
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