TREATY BETWEEN HANNIBAL OF CARTHAGE AND PHILIP V OF MACEDON

Quote:

The Histories of Polybius, VII, 9, 4 (Loeb, W. R. Paton)

“And yet the Hindus of the Punjab were simply old-fashioned Hindus, as the
Macedonians were old-fashioned Greeks. ”

“ The Century” By Bim Sherman , page 527, 1930

“The Macedonians were originally one of several Greek tribes living on the northern frontier of the Hellenic world.”

“The relatively remote geographical situation of the Macedonians contributed to their retention of a social organization different from the rest of Greeks”

Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt By Katheryn A. Bard, Page 460

The Macedonians were backward Greeks, with a good deal of Illyrian and other
admixture, a rustic dialect, and a native pantheon.

“The European inheritance”  by Ernest Barker

The Macedonians were Greeks in contradistinction to Barbarians, but they lived
on the periphery of the Greek world, far removed in space and spirit from the rest of Greeks.

Archaeological Institute of America - 1948

The Macedonians were of the same stock as the Greeks. Their language probably did not differ from Greek more than French does from Italian.

“The New Calendar of Great men: Biographies of the 558 Worthies of All ages” By Frederic Harrison - 1892

The text of four letters between Robert Graves and P. McGregor to R. Graves
concerning the Ilinden Uprising.

Contents

Graves to O’Conor, Thessaloniki, August 4th, 1903.
O’Conor to Graves, Monastir, August 4th, 1903.
P. McGregor to R. Graves, Monastir, September 8th, 1903
P. McGregor to R. Graves, Monastir, September 27th, 1903

R. Graves to N. O’Conor

Thessaloniki, August 4th, 1903

[F.O.195/2157, ff.221r-223r, Νο.238].

Travellers who arrived by yesterday’s train report that the inhabitants of Tekesova, Banitza, Ekshisou and Patele, all in the same district have risen, the men joining the insurgent bands and the women and children taking to the mountains, and a rumour is also curent that the insurgents have attacked three Turkish villages on the Monastir side and set fire to the ricks.
It would seem from all this as if the attempt was being made to carry out the plan referred to in my despatches No. 222 of July 23rd and 231 of July 31st, and my telegram No. 43 of July 28th, to concentrate the activity of the bands in the mountainous districts of the three Karadjovas (Vodena, Yenidje and Ghevgheli) and endeavour to bring about a general rising of the Bulgarian villagers.

Graves

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P. McGregor to R. Graves

Monastir, August 4th, 1903

[F.O.195/2157, ff.254r-257(a)r Νο.109].

Sir,
In confirmation of my telegram of today’s date to His Majesty’s Ambassador posted to you for transmission to His Excellency on account of the interruption of telegraphic communication, I have the honour to report that on the evening of the 2nd instant, the Feast of the Prophet Elias (C.S.), the signal for an insurrectionary movement in the plain of Monastir and the adjacent districts was given by the simultaneous firing of several stackyards on the outskirts of the town and in the outlying village of Brusnik.
One of the first acts of the insurgents was to cut the telegraph wires connecting Monastir with Salonica, Perlepe and Okhrida, the telegraph poles with wires and insulators being removed along a tract of nearly a mile in the neighbourhood of Ekshi-Su, where dynamite was also used to destroy a small bridge and a “point” on the railway line. The Vali informs me, moreover, that several hundred metres of rail near Batitsa had been tampered with by the removal of the connecting bolts; but, as the daily train arrived only an hour late on the following evening, the damage must have been speedily repaired.
Simultaneous attacks were made on Resna, Dolentsi, Ramna and Lera in the Kaza of Okhrida, where the Mussulmans, being well armed, were able to repulse the insurgent onslaught after some hours fighting, the only casualty on the Turkish side being, as far as I am aware, one woman killed and several barns and stackyards reduced to ashes. The mail which had left Monastir for Koritsa on the same evening was obliged to return here as the road for Resna was rendered impassable by the fusillade and it was not till twelve hours later that it started again accompanied by twenty-five gendarmes.

As the Vali had in the meantime received news of an attack on the small body of troops at Smilevo, he immediately despatched 350 men thither with the others to pass through the Resna district and report on what had taken place there; but this afternoon he was still without news and it is rumoured that the road between Monastir and Resna has been cut. This is the case with the road leading from Resna to Koritsa which has been destroyed in several places along the western shore of Lake Presba.
Severe fighting took place on the same night at Pribiltsi, south of Krushevo, and it is stated that the insurgents have occupied both Krushevo and Kyrchevo, murdering the Turkish officials and burning the Government buildings in the former. It will probably be a day or two before authentic information regarding these towns is available, but a force of nearly 800 men has been sent in that direction and the Vali admits that the situation there causes him the greatest anxiety.

At present no travellers can approach Krushevo and I have learned that the insurgents have seized three cartloads of foodstuffs on the way to that town from Monastir and have murdered the Turkish drivers in charge. It is impossible at this moment to estimate the proportion of the rural population which has
abandoned the villages, partially or en masse, and retired to the mountains in obedience to the summons of Sunday evening; but they must number several thousands, including not only Exarchist Bulgarians, but Patriarchists and Vlakhs hitherto represented as staunch adherents to the Hellenic propaganda.
Among the insurgent villages in the immediate vicinity of Monastir I may mention the following: Khristofor, Pozdesh, Gorno Crizari, Dolno Crizari, Karaman, Tyrnovo, Magarevo and Zhabyani, while in a more northerly direction are Kukurechani, Tsyrnaboka and others.
There is no definite news from the Kazas of Perlepe and Kyrchevo where, however, the movement is said to be general: and in the Presba district the only villages whose names I have ascertained as having joined the insurgents are Kozyak, Tsaridvor, Dyrmeni and Gherman.
The Vali informs me that the Christian Villages in the district around Buf and Florina, such as Resna, Armensko, Popolzhani, Zabyrdeni, Banitsa, Hassan Oba, are deserted, and the same is
said to be the case in the Koreshta region between the Lakes of Presba and Kastoria where only children and aged people remain.
Krushograd has been burned down by the inhabitants, and in many instances the peasants, who had previously sold as much of the harvest as had been gathered in, took the opportunity of destroying by fire the houses and other property of Greek and Mussulman landowners before leaving.
The outbreak of the revolution, although generally expected to take place within the next fortnight or three weeks, seems nevertheless to have come as a surprise to the Authorities and on Saturday last the Vali treated with ridicule the idea of impending disturbances. His Excellency’s first act was to apply for reinforcements, and eight battalions are expected here tomorrow or next
day from Uskub, while others are said to be on their way from Upper Albania via Prizren, Lyuma and Debra. The Vali has assured several of the Consuls that he has taken every precaution to prevent disturbances in Monastir itself where the Mussulman population is irritated and restless, and he has placed strong pickets on the surrounding heights on order to guard against an insurgent attack on the town.
The railroad has been repaired and it is hoped that by tomorrow telegraphic communication with Perlepe, at least, will have been restored.

McGregor

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P. McGregor to R. Graves

Monastir, September 8th, 1903

[F.O.195/2157, ff.493r-494r, No.125]

Sir,
In continuation of my despatch No. 122 of the 4th instant, I have the honour to report the following trustworthy details regarding recent events at Klissura and Neveska. On the 5th ultimo Klissura was occupied without resistance by 600-700 insurgents, half of whom took up their quarters in the town while the remainder camped on the surrounding hills.
During the twenty-two days of the Bulgarian occupation contributions to the amount of 1.300 were raised and the insurgents lived at the expence of the inhabitants; but no excesses were commited and local administration was carried on without a hitch.
On the 19th ultimo 350 of the insurgents went to join Chakalaroff who occupied Neveska next day, and when, on the 26th ultimo, the approach of a large Turkish force under Edhem Bey was announced, the remainder of the Bulgarians retired slowly from Klissura, taking up positions on the hills in the neighbourhood where a sharp engagement of short duration ensued. 120 insurgents, including the Voivoda Popoff, Ivan Popof, voivoda of the Kastoria district, was born in 1871 in the village of Liaski near Nevrokop.
After the Ilinden Uprising, he returned to Bulgaria were killed and the Turks lost twenty or thirty killed and six wounded.
The bands were not pursued by the Turks who, before entering the town, proceeded to the villages of Zagorichani, Bobishta and Mokreni which they sacked and burned after massacring 150 of the inhabitants, thus making up the figure of 300 ultimately quoted by the Authorities as representing the insurgent losses. (See the official communiques inclosed in my despatch referred to above).
No excesses appear to have been committed by the Turkish at Klissura.
With regard to Neveska, the garrison of 120 men was overpowered by Chakalaroff, and 50 or 60 soldiers were killed the Mudir. and the civil officials fled to Sorovich and the barracks and Government buildings were destroyed.
The insurgents levied contributions to the amount of 1.300 and remained in the village till the 27th when, on the approach of five or six battalions from Florina and Monastir, they retired without risking an engagement.

No Turkish excesses are reported from Neveska.

McGregor

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P. McGregor to R. Graves

Monastir, September 27th, 1903

[F.O.195/2157, ff.590r-593r, Νο.130].

Sir,
I have the honour to transmit herewith a translation of a document purporting to be a declaration by Chakalaroff and other insurgent leaders and giving an account of events during the insurrection in the Kastoria district together with a detailed estimate of the loss of life and property caused by the Imperial troops.
The number of villages and towns destroyed is given as twenty-two; so that, according to Kuncheff’s statistical description of Macedonia, at least 16.000 persons are at present homeless in that region, and if the detailed list of murders committed in the eight villages whence reliable information is said to have been obtained, is correct, the loss of life may be calculated at more than 2.000 souls.
As I had the honour to state in my immediately preceding despatch of the 23rd instant, the Authorities, while attributing the destruction of the villages to the insurgents, admit the accuracy of the Bulgarian statistics in this respect and, in cases where I have been able to make representations, such as those of Krushevo, Shtyrkovo, and Slivnitsa, do not attempt to deny the excesses committed by the Bashibozuks. Hilmi Pasha informs me that, in addition to the six Bashibozuks already sentenced for pillage at Krushevo, 30 more have been arrested and that similar steps have
been taken with regard to a score or two of individuals, including several Beys, who were implicated in the sack of the other villages mentioned. Other arrests have also been made in the Kazas of Kastoria and Florina and the fact has been made public in the official newspaper.

A partial confirmation of the amount of havoc said by the Bulgarians to have been wrought in the district is afforded by the attitude of the Authorities towards six hundred women and children belonging to fifteen villages in that Kaza who arrived here in a deplorable condition a few days ago. They were not allowed to enter the town, but I went to see them and afterwards made
representations to the Inspector General, urging upon him the necessity of affording them shelter and relief. His Excellency was evidently determined that they should not enter Monastir, but he provided them with bread and then had them conducted to the neighbouring village of Bukovo where they remained for two days, making several ineffectual attempts to enter the town in a body, a step which I have no doubt had been dictated to them by the Committee. Hilmi Pasha, who personally questioned a deputation of these people, made no demur when they related their tale of spoliation and violence, and finally sent them back to their villages escorted by a Major of Gendarmerie who, in my presence, received orders to see that they should be housed in various monasteries until their own cottages could be repaired. The local Authorities of Kastoria have also been instructed to provide timber for the reconstruction of the ruined houses, a mill is to be built in each village at the public expense, assistance is to be given to enable the crops to be harvested; all stolen livestock is to be restored or paid for, and the taxes for the current year are to be remitted.
It is evident from the enclosed document that the troops made a complete sweep of the Kastoria district and that, wherever the main body of the insurgents may be, their confidence has been rudely shaken. As a matter of fact, no engagements have been reported in that district for the last fortnight and Hilmi Pasha informs me that Chakalaroff, with a band of eighty men, has fled to the neighbourhood of Kolonia where he is being actively pursued.
I believe that the rebels are still holding their own in the Kyrchevo district and that operations against them are in course of preparation.
At the present moment the general situation may be said to have improved as far as active hostilities are concerned, but troops have been despatched in some numbers to Sorovich where more than twenty battalions are now concentrated; for what purpose is unknown, as the Inspector
General professes ignorance, stating that the movement has been ordered by the Palace. On the other hand, I hear that the last insurgent reserves have been ordered to hold themselves in readiness and it is said that many of the troops now at Sorovich will return here immediately.
An outburst of fanaticism took place at Sorovich last week when a number of soldiers plundered and defiled the Greek church. Hilmi Pasha has ordered that the guilty parties shall be tried by Court Martial and similar steps are to be taken with regard to the officers and soldiers responsible for the sacking of the Monastery of Jebren, in the Morikhovo district.
The soldiers are still openly selling their loot in the streets of Monastir and one of my colleagues assures me that several officers have likewise been engaged in this traffic.

McGregor

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1. Comparative history of Slavic Literatures by Dmitrij Cizevskij 

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2. A History of the Greek Language: From Its Origins to the Present By Francisco Rodríguez Adrados page 265

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 3. East Central Europe in the Middle Ages, 1000-1500 By Jean W. Sedlar, page 144

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4. Central eastern Europe Crucible of World Wars edited by Joseph Slabey Rouček  page 62

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5. Modern Linguistics By Simeon Potter, page 57

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6. Yugoslavia: A History of Its Demise By Viktor Meier, page 182

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7. Languages and Their Status By Timothy Shopen, Center for Applied Linguistics

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8. Russian by Neville Forbes, page 10

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9. The National question in Yugoslavian: Origins, history, politics by Ivo Branac.

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10. Παράθεση:

Encyclopedia of World Cultures - Page 239
by David H. Levinson - Social Science - 1991

11. Παράθεση:

A Handbook of Slavic Studies - Page 98 by Leonid Ivan Strakhovsky - 1949 -

12. Παράθεση:

The New Oxford Companion to Music - Page 1076 by Denis Arnold -1983

13. Παράθεση:

How the Bible Came to Us: Its Texts and Versions - Page 68 by Hugh Gerard Gibson Herklots - 1959

14. Παράθεση:

Back to the Bible: A Literary Pilgrimage - Page 70 by Hugh Gerard Gibson Herklots - 1954

15. Παράθεση:

East Europe - Page 17 by Free Europe Committee, Free Europe - 1957

16. Παράθεση:

The Two Faces of Greece: A Civilisation of 7.000 Years - Page 91 by Irene Economides - 1989

17. Παράθεση:

Merit Students Encyclopedia by William Darrach Halsey - 1980

18. Παράθεση:

The European Inheritance - Page 304 by Ernest Barker - 1954

19.

Παράθεση:

Reflections on Our Age - Page 169 by Unesco General Conference - 1949

20. Παράθεση:

Russian Authors - Page 28 by Elsa Z. Posell - 1970

21. Παράθεση:

The Encyclopedia Americana - Page 25 by Grolier Incorporated -1998

22. Παράθεση:

The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East - Page 151 by Eric M. Meyers - 1997

23. Παράθεση:

by Encyclopaedia Britannica, Incorporated, Warren E. Preece - Reference - 1972 Page 846

24. Παράθεση:

by Eastern Canada Centre of Slavists and East European Specialists, Association canadienne des slavistes - 1976 - page 73

25. Παράθεση:

Journal of Central European Affairs - Page 308, 1941

26. Παράθεση:

The Encyclopedia Americana, published 1970

27. Quote

 Tito, the rise and the fall of Yugoslavia by Richard West

It should be noted that there is no connection between the Macedonians of the time of Alexander the great who were related to other Hellenic tribes and the Macedonians of today, who are of Slavic Origin and related to the Bulgarians.

Encyclopedia of World Cultures By David H. Levinson, page 239

“For a long while Macedonian onomastics, which we know relatively well thanks to history, literary authors, and epigraphy, has played a considerable role in the discussion. In our view THE GREEK CHARACTER OF MOST NAMES IS OBVIOUS and it is difficult to think of a Hellenization due to wholesale borrowing. ‘Ptolemaios’ is attested as early as Homer, ‘Ale3avdros’ occurs next to Mycenaean feminine a-re-ka-sa-da-ra- (’Alexandra’), ‘Laagos’, then ‘Lagos’, matches the Cyprian ‘Lawagos’, etc. The small minority of names which do not look Greek, like ‘Arridaios’ or ‘Sabattaras’, may be due to a substratum or adstatum influences (as elsewhere in Greece). MACEDONIAN MAY THEN BE SEEN AS A GREEK DIALECT, characterised by its marginal position and by local pronunciations (like ‘Berenika’ for ‘Ferenika’, etc.). Yet in contrast with earlier views which made of it an Aeolic dialect (O.Hoffmann compared Thessalian) we must by now think of a link with North-West Greek (Locrian, Aetolian, Phocidian, Epirote). This view is supported by the recent discovery at PELLA OF A CURSE TABLET (4th cent. BC) which may well be the FIRST ‘MACEDONIAN’ TEXT ATTESTED (provisional publication by E.Voutyras; cf. the Bulletin Epigraphique in Rev.Et.Grec.1994, no.413); the text includes an adverb ‘opoka’ which is not Thessalian. We must wait for new discoveries, but we may tentatively conclude that MACEDONIAN IS A DIALECT RELATED TO NORTH-WEST GREEK.”

Olivier Masson, French linguist, “Oxford Classical Dictionary:Macedonian Language”, 1996

“Before the times of the national unity installed by the Macedonians around the middle of the 4th century BC, Greece was composed of many regions or city states[…] That they [Dorians] were related to the North-West Dialects (of Phocis, Locris, Aetolia, Acarnania and Epirus) was not perceived clearly by the ancients. “

• Sylvain Auroux, French linguist, “History of the Language Sciences: I. Approaches to Gender II. Manifestations”, p.439

The problem of the nationality of the Macedonians has been studied a great deal. Otto Hoffman with linguistics as his starting point solved it CORRECTLY AND DECISIVELY WHEN HE ACCEPTED THAT THE MACEDONIANS WERE GREEKS

F. Munzer, German linguist, “Die Politische Vernichtung des Griechentums”, Leipzig 1925, p. 4

Some years back, a German linguist by the name Otto Hoffmann wrote a book with the title “Makedonians, their language and their Ethnicity“. Hoffman analyzed the paradoxical or idiomatic words (calling them languages),which past grammaticals, lexicographers and more in general everyone engaged around the Hellenic language had noted them as “worthy to be analyzed” in Makedonia.

To begin with, all those people were believing that the Makedonian language was an Hellenic dialect, and exactly this is the reason mentioning certain of its peculiarities, had they believe that the Makedonian language was alien to that Hellenic one, there was not a reason mentioning those Makedonian paradoxical and/or idiomatic “languages”. According to the same Hoffmann his conclusions after “supervising” other peoples work are the following:

“”And now after supervising the ancient Makedonian linguistic thesaurus we are posting the decisive question, if what is adding to the Makedonian language its character,are the hellenic or the barbarian elements of it,the responce can not be of any doubts. From the 39 “languages” that according to Gustav Mayer their form was “completely alien” has been proven after this research of mine,that 10 of them are clearly Hellenic,with 4 more possibly dialectical forms of common hellenic words,so from the entire collection are remaining only 15 words appearing to be justifiable or at least suspected of anti-hellenic origins.Adding to those 15, few others which with regards their vocals could be hellenic,without till now being confirmed as such,then their number, in comparison to the number of pure hellenic ones in the Makedonian language,is so small that the general Hellenic character of the Macedonian linguistic treasure can not be doubted.

The important thing about the Makedonian language is the fact that the alien and foreign to the Hellenic language words in it, are limited in a very narrow circle of objects and thoughts. Prominent as groups are those of names for plants,animals,foods,drinks,wa*r and fighting items and various names of dressing items. However in the Makedonian language there is absolutely not one barbarian word having relation to the governing of the society,military or confering justice. There is the worshipping of the ancient god Savadion, same as the one for the ancient Hellenic Gods, after which the Makedonian named the months of the year.

In Hellas we had the meeting of two civilizations, from which the superior one, that Hellenic represented by the Kings and the nobles became the base for the Makedonian society. Was this Hellenic civilization a pure Makedonian one or it was imported in the country from outside? Are the Hellenic words in the Makedonian language pure Makedonians or they were accepted as loans from the Hellenic? If such loaning happened, it must have happened in very old times. The already mentioned “”languages”” are not derived from the Attick dialect or the “Common-Koinh” Hellenic one. Not only this, but they are not connected with the Attick dialect that was “imported” by Phillip and Alexander in their society and political organization. Those words are formed in an extremely ancient manner, they are to be found just in Makedonia and they are very dialectical. Such statement is especially important. If somehow we can define and connect those Macedonian “languages” with a specific hellenic dialect,then we have a solid base for their definition.

The fact that the ancient Makedonian history is guarded with distrust might be somehow justified to partial ignorance of that early Makedonian history. However once in Makedonia time arrived for the reigning of Alexander the 1st and Archelaos, the mood has been changed. There is the first connection-contact between Amyntas the 1st and Hippias an Hellene (Herodotus 5-92g) in the land of Anthemus (Herodotus 5-94)…….

“”Before he went,Amyntas of Macedon offered him Anthemus,and the Thessalians Iolcus……………”

Next comes the close relation of Alexander the 1st and 2nd, Macedon’s and Amyntas’ sons and the Hellenes. One participates in the Olympic games ( Herodotus 5-22) Amyntas’ son favors the Hellenes in their wars against the Persians.(Herodotus 9-44,45).

Alexander, Amyntas’ son becomes in 480 B.C honorable citizen,console and beneficiary (Herodotus 8-136) “…..secondly,becaue he was well aware that Alexander’s friendship with Athens was an official relation,and was backed by deeds.””………….. Perdikkas is ally and friend of the Athenians (Thukididis 1-57), “…………..and Perdikkas son of Alexandros,king of Macedon,formerly an ally and friend,had been turned into an enemy.””……….. Archelaos not only he maintains friendly political relations with Athens but he is also inviting Athenian poets in his court.Euripedes and Agathon spend in his court the last years of their lives, and as is the case with the SKOPIANS and the Bulgars these days and their so-called different languages, no translators were in need to translate from Greek to Makedonian.

Those Makedonian idiomatism-”languages” are proving one thing and one alone.That neither Athens or the Ionian cities brought to the Makedonians the Hellenic language,since in those dialects clearly exist the influence of the Thessalian dialect!

But in that case the Makedonian linguistic treasure should be accepted not only as a loan from the Thessalians, but an early one as well,since once in Makedonia the Athenian dialect arrived, the Thessalian one couldn’t be consider as competitor.

With regards the names of the Royal House of the Argeades, Hoffman is stating: “” None of the names of the Royal House of the Argeades is of Barbarian origins,the roots of the words and their formation is HELLENIC IN EVERYTHING.Loan from the Hellenic Myth might be the name Orestes and possibly the name Menelaos””

Further down Hoffmann considers 40 names of official Makedonians found on an inscription from 423 B.C adding:

“”In final analysis it is possible that the name VYRGINON KRASTWNOS is of Thracian origins,while independent remains the name DIRVE…..ALL the other names are BEAUTIFULL,CLEAR,HELLENIC CONSTRUCTIONS and only two of them NEOPTOLEMOS and MELEAGROS could have been loans from the HELLENIC MYTHOLOGY.

Hoffmann considers the names of the populations of upper or Western Makedonia including the Orestians(Kastoria),Eordians(P*tolemais-Arnissa),Tymfaians(Pi*ndos-Konitsa), Elimiotians(Kozani),and Lyngestians(Florina-Monastiri. He considers and analyzes the names of the King’s body-guards,of the generals,of the administrative employees,of the leaders of the Makedonian cavalry,the leaders of the name and army,and those of many other common people of the 5th and 4th and even later centuries. His conclusions?

“”THE NAMES OF THE GENUINE MAKEDONIANS AND THOSE BORN OF MAKEDONIAN PARENTS ,ESPECIALLY THE NAMES OF THE ELITIC CLASS AND NOBLES,IN THEIR FORMATION AND PHONOLOGY ARE PURELY HELLENIC.”

And he continues,,,
“”The general Hellenic character of the Makedonians linguistic treasure can not be disputed even in case some of them might be loans from the Hellenic Mythology or from non-hellenic myths or for the better pre-hellenic myths (Teytamos-Marsyas-Seilinos….*).
The reason? Both Hellenic mythology and pre-hellenic SUCH, contributed many of their names not only in the Makedonian but as well in thegeneral hellenic vocabulary of names. Names that in their phonology and the laws governing their formations are
clearly different than those Thracians and Illyrians,and they can not even be used as “in between” those and the hellenic ones.

So………if someone not agreeing with the Hellenism of the Makedonians, then naturally has to accept the fact that during the 6th and 5th centuries B.C,the Makedonians dropped their ……Makedonian names and they………..introduced the Hellenic ones substituting theirs!

However, if their names were their original ones and in such a way since the names are clearly hellenic and the Makedonians were of pure Hellenic origins, one MUST conclude that the hellenic linguistic treasure,was not taken as a loan from the Thessalians,but it was their own ETHNIC inheritance!

The Hellenic civilization and the Hellenic language did not migrated from Thessaly to alien nations,tribes,and races within the Makedonian lands”

Otto Hoffmann “Die Makedonien”