Plutarch in Alexander’s ‘Bios’ signifies the Greekness of Alexander and Macedonians. In reality even the few references to the gradual consolidation of Macedonian hegemony in Greek worl where Macedonians are distinguished from the rest of Greeks for clearly practical reasons since they were warring, but wthout an ethnological difference (see Alex 9.2, 13, ch 11, 12.5). Similarly Plutarch in his ‘lives’ uses the same method distinguishing the warring Spartans from the rest of Greeks.

Quote:

Agesilaos was accused… that he exposed the city <Sparta> as an accomplice in the crimes against the Hellenes.

<Plutarchos, Agesilaos 26>

Quote:

Thus, the Hellenes were wondering what the state of the Lakedaimonian army would be had it been commanded by Age silaos or… the old Leonidas.

<Plutarchos, Agis 14>

Quote:

Since the Lakedaimonians made peace with all the Hellenes, they were in war only with the Thebans…

<Plutarchos, Pelopidas 20>

and the Atheneans from the rest of Greeks.

Quote:

He soothed the Athenians’ pride by promising them… that the Hellenes would accept their leadership…

<Plutarchos, Themistokles 7>

In reality Plutarch reveals the Greekness of the expeditionary force of Alexander eventhough the main army consists of Macedonians.

- From the side of his father, Alexander is shown clearly as descendant of Heracles and from his mother side a descendant of Aeacos. (Alex 2.1).

- He is educated by Aristotle, uses as his permanent favourite book the Iliad of Homer (see 8,2, 26.2-3) but wishes also other Greek books to be sent to him.

- The inscription of Alexander with the first booty is clear and Macedonians are included as Greeks.

Quote:

Alexander, son of Philip and the Greeks, except Lakedaimonians - from the barbarians living in Asia

Plutarchos, ‘Alexander’ 16.18

- After conquering Egypt Alexander wishes to found “a great Greek city with many people” (26.4 and Moralia 328B). The Priest of Ammon adresses Alexander in Greek (27.9).

- In Alexanders Live Macedonians are included in the general Greek race and those who are opposed to Persians and the rest of Barbarian tribes of Asia are called greeks and not Macedonians (33.1-4)

- Alexander campaigns in Asia in the name of Greeks in order to revenge the campaign of Xerxes against Greece (see 37.5, 38.4)

- Before Gaugamela, Alexander encourages mainly Greks and from Greeks he is being encouraged too (see 33.1)

- After the final defeat of Darius he chooses 30,00 young Persians and orders those to be educated in Greek (see 47.6)

- In the meantime he wishes to please all the Greeks by abolishing tyrranies, giving autonomy, urging Plateans to rebuild their city, sending booty even to Krotoniates in order to honour the participation of their ancestor Faylos in Medika (34.2-3)

-Finally Alexander’s behaviour to Greeks is entirel different from his behaviour to Barbarians. (see Alex 28.1)

 Plutarch considered Macedonians as Greeks by distinguishing them always from Barbarians.

Quote:

During his absence Barbarians had been overrunning and devastating Macedonia, and at this particular time a large army of Illyrians from the interior had burst in, and in consequence of their ravages the Macedonians summoned Antigonus home.

[Plut. Cleomenes 27.3]

Quote:

Antigonus marched up and took the city without resistance. He treated the Lacedaemonians humanely, and did not insult or mock the dignity of Sparta, but restored her laws and constitution,21 sacrificed to the gods, and went away on the third day. For he learned that there was a great war in Macedonia and that the Barbarians were ravaging the country. Moreover, his disease was already in full possession of him, having developed into a quick consumption and an acute catarrh. 2 He did not, however, give up, but had strength left for his conflicts at home, so that he won a very great victory, slew a prodigious number of the Barbarians, and died gloriously, having broken a blood-vessel (as it is likely, and as Phylarchus says) by the very shout that he raised on the field of battle. And in the schools of philosophy one used to hear the story that after his victory he shouted for joy, “O happy day!” and then brought up a quantity of blood, fell into a high fever, and so died. So much concerning Antigonus.

[Plut. Cleomenes 30.1-3]

Quote:

Here Leonnatus the Macedonian, observing that an Italian was intent upon Pyrrhus, and was riding out against him and following him in every movement from place to place, said: “Seest thou, O King, that Barbarian yonder, riding the black horse with white feet? He looks like a man who has some great and terrible design in mind. 9 For he keeps his eyes fixed upon thee, and is intent to reach thee with all his might and main, and pays no heed to anybody else. So be on thy guard against the man.” To him Pyrrhus made reply: “What is fated, O Leonnatus, it is impossible to escape; but with impunity neither he nor any other Italian shall come to close quarters with me.” While they were still conversing thus, the Italian levelled his spear, wheeled his horse, and p399charged upon Pyrrhus. 10 Then at the same instant the Barbarian’s spear smote the king’s horse, and his own horse was smitten by the spear of Leonnatus. Both horses fell, but while Pyrrhus was seized and rescued by his friends, the Italian, fighting to the last, was killed. He was a Frentanian, by race, captain of a troop of horse, Oplax by name

[Plut. Pyrrhus 16.8]

Quote:

While Philip was making an expedition against Byzantium,13 Alexander, though only sixteen years of age, was left behind as regent in Macedonia and keeper of the royal seal, and during this time he subdued the rebellious Maedi, and after taking their city, drove out the Barbarians, settled there a mixed population, and named the city Alexandropolis

[Plut. Alexander 9.1]

Quote:

Thus it was that at the age of twenty years Alexander received the kingdom, which was exposed to great jealousies, dire hatreds, and dangers on every hand. 2 For the neighbouring tribes of Barbarians would not tolerate their servitude, and longed for their hereditary kingdoms

[Plut. Alexander 11.3]

Quote:

The Macedonian counsellors of Alexander had fears of the crisis, and thought he should give up the Greek states altogether and use no more compulsion there, and that he should call the revolting Barbarians back to their allegiance by mild measures and try to arrest the first symptoms of their revolutions

[Plut. Alexander 11.5]

Quote:

Then, while he was thus engaged with Rhoesaces, Spithridates rode up from one side, raised himself up on his horse, and with all his might came down with a barbarian battle-axe upon Alexander’s head

[Plut. Alexander 16.]

Quote:

Of the Barbarians, we are told, twenty thousand footmen fell, and twenty-five hundred horsemen.30 But on Alexander’s side, Aristobulus says there were thirty-four dead in all, of whom nine were footmen.

[Plut. Alexander 16.15]

Quote:

he sent to the Athenians in particular three hundred of the captured shields, and upon the rest of the spoils in general he ordered a most ambitious inscription to be wrought: 18 “Alexander the son of Philip and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians from the Barbarians who dwell in Asia.”

[Plut. Alexander 16.18]

Quote:

He found his Macedonians carrying off the wealth from the camp of the Barbarians, and the wealth was of surpassing abundance, although its owners had come to the battle in light marching order and had left most of their baggage in Damascus

[Plut. Alexander 20.11]

Quote:

Then for the first time the Macedonians got a taste of gold and silver and women and barbaric luxury of life, and now that they had struck the trail, they were like dogs in their eagerness to pursue and track down the wealth of the Persians.

[Plut. Alexander 24.3]

Quote:

Two Barbarians who were sitting at the fire he [Alexander] despatched with his dagger, and snatching up a fire-brand, brought it to his own party.

[Plut. Alexander 24.13]

Quote:

In general, he bore himself haughtily towards the Barbarians, and like one fully persuaded of his divine birth and parentage, but with the Greeks it was within limits and somewhat rarely that he assumed his own divinity.

[Plut. Alexander 28.1]

Quote:

On this occasion, he made a very long speech to the Thessalians and the other Greeks,63 and when he saw that they encouraged him with shouts to lead them against the Barbarians, he shifted his lance into his left hand, and with his right appealed to the gods, as Callisthenes tells us, praying them, if he was really sprung from Zeus, to defend and strengthen the Greeks

[Plut. Alexander 33.1]

Quote:

But before the foremost ranks were engaged the Barbarians gave way, and were hotly pursued, Alexander driving the conquered foe towards the centre of their array, where Dareius was

[Plut. Alexander 33.4]

Quote:

To show its nature and power, the Barbarians sprinkled the street leading to Alexander’s quarters with small quantities of the liquid; then, standing at the farther end of the street, they applied their torches to the moistened spots; for it was now getting dark.

[Plut. Alexander 35.2]

Quote:

company followed with shouts and revelry and surrounded the palace, while the rest of the Macedonians who learned about it ran thither with torches and were full of joy. 7 For they hoped that the burning and destruction of the palace was the act of one who had fixed his thoughts on home, and did not intend to dwell among Barbarians.

[Plut. Alexander 38.7]

[3] We must believe that the tyrant city that has been established in Hellas has been established against all alike, with a programme of universal empire, part fulfilled, part in contemplation; let us then attack and reduce it, and win future security for ourselves and freedom for the Hellenes who are now enslaved.’

 Thuc. 1. 124.3

At last an embassy arrived with the Lacedaemonian ultimatum. The ambassadors were Rhamphias, Melesippus, and Agesander. Not a word was said on any of the old subjects; there was simply this:– ‘Lacedaemon wishes the peace to continue, and there is no reason why it should not, if you would leave the Hellenes independent. Upon this the Athenians held an assembly, and laid the matter before their consideration. It was resolved to deliberate once for all on all their demands, and to give them an answer.

 Thuc. 1.139.3

[4] The good wishes of men made greatly for the Lacedaemonians, especially as they proclaimed themselves the liberators of Hellas.

 Thuc. 2.8.4

Remember, too, that if your country has the greatest name in all the world, it is because she never bent before disaster; because she has expended more life and effort in war than any other city, and has won for herself a power greater than any hitherto known, the memory of which will descend to the latest posterity; even if now, in obedience to the general law of decay, we should ever be forced to yield, still it will be remembered that we held rule over more Hellenes than any other Hellenic state, that we sustained the greatest wars against their united or separate powers, and inhabited a city unrivalled by any other in resources or magnitude.

 Thuc. 2.64.3

 Such, Lacedaemonians and allies, are the grounds and the reasons of our revolt; clear enough to convince our hearers of the fairness of our conduct, and sufficient to alarm ourselves, and to make us turn to some means of safety. This we wished to do long ago, when we sent to you on the subject while the peace yet lasted, but were baulked by your refusing to receive us; and now, upon the Boeotians inviting us, we at once responded to the call, and decided upon a twofold revolt, from the Hellenes and from the Athenians, not to aid the latter in harming the former, but to join in their liberation, and not to allow the Athenians in the end to destroy us, but to act in time against them.

 Thuc 3.13.1

Acanthians, the Lacedaemonians have sent out me and my army to make good the reason that we gave for the war when we began it, viz. that we were going to war with the Athenians in order to free Hellas.

Thuc. 4.85.1

And for myself, I have come here not to hurt but to free the Hellenes, witness the solemn oaths by which I have bound my government that the allies that I may bring over shall be independent; and besides my object in coming is not by force or fraud to obtain your alliance, but to offer you mine to help you against your Athenian masters.

Thuc 4.86.1

Endeavour, therefore, to decide wisely, and strive to begin the work of liberation for the Hellenes, and lay up for yourselves endless renown, while you escape private loss, and cover your commonwealth with glory.

Thuc. 4.87.6

Show yourself a brave man, as a Spartan should; and do you, allies, follow him like men, and remember that zeal, honor, and obedience mark the good soldier, and that this day will make you either free men and allies of Lacedaemon, or slaves of Athens; even if you escape without personal loss of liberty or life, your bondage will be on harsher terms than before, and you will also hinder the liberation of the rest of the Hellenes.

Thuc. 5.9.9

They are come to Sicily with the pretext that you know, and the intention which we all suspect, in my opinion less to restore the Leontines to their homes than to oust us from ours; as it is out of all reason that they should restore in Sicily the cities that they lay waste in Hellas, or should cherish the Leontine Chalcidians because of their Ionian blood, and keep in servitude the Euboean Chalcidians, of whom the Leontines are a colony.

[3] No; but the same policy which has proved so successful in Hellas is now being tried in Sicily. After being chosen as the leaders of the Ionians and of the other allies of Athenian origin, to punish the Mede, the Athenians accused some of failure in military service, some of fighting against each other, and others, as the case might be, upon any colourable pretext that could be found, until they thus subdued them all.

[4] In fine, in the struggle against the Medes, the Athenians did not fight for the liberty of the Hellenes, or the Hellenes for their own liberty, but the former to make their countrymen serve them instead of him, the latter to change one master for another, wiser indeed than the first, but wiser for evil.

Thuc 6.76.2

But we are not now come to declare to an audience familiar with them the misdeeds of a state so open to accusation as is the Athenian, but much rather to blame ourselves, who, with the warnings we possess in the Hellenes in those parts that have been enslaved through not supporting each other, and seeing the same sophisms being now tried upon ourselves–such as restorations of Leontine kinsfolk and support of Egestaean allies–do not stand together and resolutely show them that here are no Ionians, or Hellespontines, or islanders, who change continually, but always serve a master, sometimes the Mede and sometimes some other, but free Dorians from independent Peloponnese, dwelling in Sicily.

Thuc. 6.77.1

Or, are we waiting until we be taken in detail, one city after another; knowing as we do that in no other way can we be conquered, and seeing that they turn to this plan.

Thuc. 6.77.2

Consider, therefore; and now make your choice between the security which present servitude offers and the prospect of conquering with us and so escaping disgraceful submission to an Athenian master and avoiding the lasting enmity of Syracuse.’

Thuc. 6.80.5

 The best proof of this the speaker himself furnished, when he called the Ionians eternal enemies of the Dorians. It is the fact; and the Peloponnesian Dorians being our superiors in numbers and next neighbours, we Ionians looked out for the best means of escaping their domination.

Thuc. 6.82.2

Their ambition is to rule you, their object to use the suspicions that we excite to unite you, and then, when we have gone away without effecting anything, by force or through your isolation, to become the masters of Sicily. And masters they must become, if you unite with them; as a force of that magnitude would be no longer easy for us to deal with united, and they would be more than a match for you as soon as we were away.

Thuc. 6.85.1

We assert that we are rulers in Hellas in order not to be subjects;

Thuc. 6.87.2

Kingdom of Arcadia (1336 BC - 676 BC)
The kingdom of Arcadia was founded by Pelasgus. The regal government continued about eight hundred and eighty years, when it was abolished.

kingdom of Athens
Athens is generally believed to have been founded by Cecrops and he was the first kind. Some o the most famous kings of Athens were Aegeas and his son Theseas. Codros was the last king of Athens.During his reign the Dorians and Heraclidae, having regained all Peloponnesus excroached on the Attic territory. The Delphic oracle declared that they should finally prevail, if they abstained from injuring the Athenian king. When Codros learned it, he disguised himself as a peasant, went to the Dorians camp and he insulted one guard with result to be slain in combat. When Dorians understood who was the peasant, remembered the prophesy and left from Attica. The excellence of Codros was so much venerated by Atheneans, that they considered no man worthy of succeeding him, therefore they abolished royalty in Athens on 1069 BC.

Kingdom of Thebes
It was found by Cadmos, in the most despotic form of monarchy found in greece. Some of the most famous Theban kings were Laios, Oedipus with his tragic fate, Eteocles and Polynices. The two last were brothers who combated beneath the walls of Thebes and feel by each other’s sword. Beotians after the series of misfortune with their kings abolished royalty only about 300 years after the kingdom had been founded by Cadmos.

Thessaly
The region took its name from Thessalos and some of the most famous kings were Jason, Peleus (father of Achilles)

Corinth
The kingdom of Corinth is said to be founded by Sisyphos, the son of Aeolus around 1514 BC. Sisyphos was the first king of Corinth. A famous Corinthian royal member was also Bellerophon, the son of a king of Corinth who killed chimaera. Sisyphos was an Aeolian and so did the original inhabitants of Corinth. Later after the conquest of Peloponesse from Dorians, they royal power passed to Heraclide Aletes.After Aletes and his descendants had reigned for 5 generations, royalty was abolished in Corinth and instead was established an oligarchical form of government ruled by Bacchiade. The Family was expelled in 655 BC by Cypselos who became tyrant.

Sparta
The government of the Spartans was originally monarchical. The most famous of the ancient spartan kings was Tyndareos, father of Helen of Sparta, Castor and Polydeuces. Spartans were at first governed by one king but afterwards they transformed it to a dyarchy, two kings occupy the throne of Sparta.

Locris
Locris was a small kingdom that possesed the priviledge of sending deputies to the Amphictyonic court at Delphous.

Kingdom of Argos
It was formed into a kingdom around 1850 BC by Inachos. The dynasties of the Argives were the Apisidae, the Pelopidae and the Heraclidae whom Macedonian kings are descended from. After a succession of kings, whose reigns extended to about 800 years the Argives abolished royalty.

Kingdom of Epirus
Neoptolemus, the son of Achilles after the trojan war came to Epirus and became the first king. Most famous Epirotan kings were Admetos, Tharympas, Alexandros and Pyrrhos. Deidamia the daughter of Pyrrhos II was the last descedant of the Aecidae royal family and a little later Epirus became a province of Rome.

Cyprus
The island was divided among several petty sovereign kingdoms until the time of Cyrus the Great. Cyrus subdued them but left them in possesion of their respective kingdoms, obliging them to pay an annual tribute. The most famous kings of Cyprus were Evagoras and Onesilaos.

Fyrom: Government’s failure to address double discrimination against Romani women and girls
by via AI
Thursday Dec 6th, 2007 7:13 AM
I wanted to go to school but we needed to pay for food, for clothes. My mother did not have any education. My father died when he was very young. So I needed to take care of myself and there was no money for school.Silvana, a Romani woman talking to Amnesty InternationalRomani women in Macedonia suffer double discrimination — on the grounds of their gender and their ethnicity, according to Amnesty International.
In a report published today, the organization calls on the Macedonian authorities to break the pattern of discrimination against Romani women.
“This long-recognized double discrimination is widespread, routine and pervasive. Romani women and girls suffer from intersecting and overlapping forms of discrimination which, in many cases, go hand in hand with poverty,” said Sian Jones, Amnesty International’s researcher on Macedonia.

Amnesty International’s report, Macedonia: The government’s failure to uphold the rights of Romani women and girls, provides evidence of discrimination against Romani women in accessing three basic human rights: the right to education, the right to employment and the right to health, as well as violence against women as a form of discrimination.

The report also notes that significant number of Roma, including Romani women, who do not have birth certificates or citizenship cannot access basic services, including education, social insurance and health care.

“At school, Romani girls are faced with stereotyped low expectations from teachers which, along with the absence of free primary education, leads to the majority of girls dropping out of school before they complete their education,” Sian Jones said.

The failure of the Macedonian authorities to guarantee the right to free and compulsory education means that more than half of Romani women — an estimated 66 per cent — are only able to find work in the informal economy, unprotected by labour or health and safety laws. Those employed by state institutions work predominantly as cleaners. Only a small percentage of university-educated Romani women are able to find employment in professional or managerial posts.

“When Romani women do find work they often face verbal abuse and harassment from their employers. Romani women work in worse conditions, for longer hours and for lower pay than non-Romani women,” Sian Jones said.

Romani women find it very difficult, in some cases impossible, to secure health care for themselves or for their children. They may not have health insurance at all or because of poverty they may not be able to afford basic medicines or even medical treatment. In addition, Romani women may face direct discrimination by health workers, including in being refused access to treatment.

“The Macedonian government has, to date, failed to adopt a comprehensive anti-discrimination framework that would enable Romani women to secure their rights and challenge abuses.”

Violence against women occurs in all communities and across all social groups in Macedonia. An estimated 70 per cent of Romani women have reported domestic abuse. However, when Romani women report — if they report such violence at all — law enforcement officers often fail to respond appropriately and may further subject them to racist abuse and discriminatory treatment.

Amnesty International is concerned that successive governments have consistently failed to address the human rights of Roma. The organization is also concerned that the current administration has failed to respond to the challenge of the Decade of Roma Inclusion, which aimed to introduce measures to ensure that all Roma in Macedonia are guaranteed their rights including access to education, work, health care and adequate housing. Where action has been taken, it has not been taken by the government, but rather by domestic and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs), including Romani NGOs, and with international funding.

Amnesty International calls on the European Union to continue their monitoring of the state’s progress towards meeting the human rights standards set out for candidate member countries, ensuring that with respect to the protection and improvement of the rights of minorities, the rights of Romani women and girls are fully considered.

“If racial and gender discrimination persist, Romani women are unlikely to escape the cycle of poor education that traps them in low-paid jobs, while further discrimination denies them access to health care and social security and condemns many to a life of poverty,” Sian Jones said.

See: Macedonia: Little by little we women have learned our rights: the government’s failure to uphold the rights of Romani women and girls, AI Index: EUR 65/004/2007 http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engeur650042007
Macedonia: “Little by little we women have learned our rights”: The Macedonian government’s failure to uphold the rights of Romani women and girls: Summary (AI Index: EUR 65/003/2007) http://web.amnesty.org/engeur650032007 (The summary of the report is also available in Macedonian)

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e, not so famous inscription is the inscription of Mytilene in 332 BC. Its about the imminent conviction of Agonipos, tyrant of Eressos. He was put in that seat from Memnon and afterwards Agonippos fought in the side of Persians. In the following inscription it says clearly Agonnipos went on war against “Alexander and the Greeks”. Of course Macedonians are included as Greeks.

Quote:

B. Fragment 2 (front face). The trial of Agonippos [those] who had been besieged [on the] acropolis he [–] and from the ci|tizens he exacted twenty thousand slaters, [and] | he repeatedly plun dered the Greeks with his raids, and the altars he razed || to the ground, (the altars) of Zeus [Ph|ilippi[os]; and after a war had been instituted by him against Alexander and the Greeks, | he stripped the citizens of their weapons, excluded (them) from the city en masse, and, after their wiv|es and their daughters had been seized by him and imprisoned || on the acropolis, three thousand and two hundred | slaters he exacted (from them); the city and the temples | he pillaged with his pirates and burned down, and | (he) burned along with them the bodies [of the] citizens; and finally he went to Alexander and gave || a false account and slandered the citizens. They shall try | him under oath by secret vote regarding | (whether to put him to) death. And if the death penalty is voted, after a counter-proposal (for punishment) has been put forward by Agonippos, the second vote | shall be made, (to indicate) in what way he ought to di||e. If, after Agonippos has been convicted by the court, [ anyone tries to restore any of the family of Agonippos or makes a motion or proposal I about (their) return or about the restoration of their property, ac|cursed shall be that man both himself and his family, and in all other respects let him be liable to the law [that] (is aimed at anyone) by whom the stele || is destroyed, (the stele) that concerns the tyrants and their descend|ants- And a solemn vow shall be made in the assembly imm\ediatelyy that the man who in making his judgement also brings assistance to (he city | and to justice shall prosper but that to those who contrary to justjice cast their vote the opposite of this (shall happen). [| A decision was reached, (There were) eight hundred and eighty-three (voters). Out of | these, seven acquitted, the rest condem|ned.