Serbs in FYROM are an extension from the central parts of Serbian ethnicity, related to archaic groups in Kosovo and Metohija as well to a larger degree, with the basin of river Morava. That Serbs are found among early medieval Slav settlers of the Vardar/Axios region is confirmed by sources which identify the city of Gordoservon in Asia Minor as founded by introduction of Serb captives from the aforementioned area. The exact nature and scope of this early Serbian settlement in FYROM is not known, but it can be safely assumed that it was minuscule and  any demographic and ethnolinguistic influence was probably lost in the Byzanto-Bulgarian struggles of the next few centuries.

Serbians established their massive presence in Povardarje (today’s FYROM) and parts of Macedonia (Northern Greece) after King Milutin’s conquest of Polog, Skoplje and Ovče Polje area in northernmost Povardarje in 1282. The catastrophic defeat of Bulgarians at the Battle of Velbužd (Ćustendil) in 1330 inflicted by the Serbian army removed the final challenge to Serbian authority in Povardarje. Conclusive with the act of coronation of Stephan Dušan in his capital Skoplje, Serbian population was implanted in both Pologs, in enclaves around Debar, in the wider regions of Skoplje and Ovče Polje and in small extent in Greek cities of Kastoria and Serres, which together with the southern area of FYROM compromised the part of Dušan’s Empire whose Greek character was observed as the cultural policy of the Nemanjić court.

The period of the Serbian rule in Povardarje was characterized by strong cultural initiative in the domain of ecclesiastic art, primarily architecture. Several hundreds of Christian temples build or substantially reconstructed in the relatively brief Serbian period of Povardarje testify to the intensity and maturity of Serbian culture of the era. “Dušan’s Law”, a legal codex and a de facto constitution of the late medieval Serbian state proclaimed in Skoplje as well as the great number of manuscripts and epigraphic monuments produced in that era do not mention “Macedonians”, in contrast with other ethnic groups such as Greeks, Albanians, Vlachs, Bulgarians and Saxons.

The abrupt end of Serbian domination of Povardarje came with the invasion of Ottoman Turks, a militant Asiatic tribe which confronted the Serb defenders at Marica (Černomen) in 1371 in a battle described by the contemporaries as clash of Serbs and Greeks against the Turks.

Devoid of freedom and without centralist institutions, with the exception of the inclusion of northern FYROM under jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Peć in 17th and 18th century, Serbs as well as other local Christians were forced to the status of “dhimi”, marginalized and enslaved population that theoretically enjoyed scriptural protection granted by Muslim overlords.

It would appear that there are the central trend in the history of FYROM was its De-Serbization in cultural and demographic sense and the reemergence of the Bulgarian rural population. While this process was not either linear nor it is complete, in the light of total absence of works about the history, language and culture by science of FYROM organized along lines of Pseudomacedonian supremacy, few aspects of Serbian presence in early and middle Ottoman period deserve mention.

Western and local Catholic sources generally acknowledge that Skoplje (today’s Skopje, the capital of FYROM) as well as Kratovo, a town located east from Skoplje, have a Serbian character. This was reported by Jakov Sorranzo in 1575, Martin Crusius and Aleksandar Komulović in 1584, Nicolo Longi in 1622, Bishop Peter of Sophia in 1665, Urban Cerri in 1680. Bishop Peter Bogdani in 1685, Bishop of Cotor Marin Drago in 1690 are more specific, mentioning Skoplje’s Serbian and Greek population. These ethnic groups are mentioned also by Bishop Matija Masarek in 1770 and 1790.
Orthodox clerics Bratan Ivanov, Dimitrije Petrov and Mihailo of Kratovo were registered in historical sources as Serbs upon their arrival in Russia, during the middle phase of Ottoman rule.

Furthemore, one of the most common male names among the Slavs of Povardarje registered by Turkish demographic records is “Srbin” (a Serb) which was popular even at the beginning of the 20th century. Undoubtedly, it was given as a way to express nostalgia for the Nemanjići period, the last Slavic epoch of freedom.

The beginning of the last phase of De-Serbization of Povardarje started with the partial forced assimilation out of the circumstances created by the Serbian uprisings in 1804 and 1815 on the territory of today’s Serbia, when a number of Serbs took the Bulgarian ethnic name out of conformism. This phenomena was accelerated with the dying of Serbian schools in northern FYROM by the middle of the 19th century and their replacement by the school system of the Bulgarian Exarchate founded in 1871. The emancipation of the surrounding Bulgarian population, primarily as a reaction against perceived eminent status of the Greek clergy and the emerging class of Greek bourgeoisie in southern towns of FYROM further created preconditions for assimilation of the Serb population already weakened and  marginalized from participation in the wider emergence of nationalist sentiments. It is only after beginning of propagandist activity sponsored by official Belgrade in the late 19th century and the appearance of Serbian paramilitary, the Četniks, after 1904 that the described process of ethnic melting was halted and partially reversed. It should be emphasized that the competition of nationalities in the Povardarje region in the closing years of 19th and the first years of 20th century caused more often than not a confusion with regard of self-determination of local individuals.

Finally, the ideology of “Macedonism”appeared as an embrionic form and precursor to creation of the nominally “Macedonian” nation in Tito’s Yugoslavia after 1944, although in the preceding decades it was nothing more than intellectual concept nurtured among few people, in opposition of the all-pervasive Bulgarian national feeling south of Skoplje and north and eastern of Pelagonia registered by great number of foreign visitors and recognized by scholars as such. The Serb presence in FYROM in the closing decades of Turkish rule in Europe was nevertheless registered by travelers such as J. Muller, C. Robert, E. Spencer, I. S. Jastrebov, K. Ostreich and others.

Among ethnographic customs the archaic and exclusively Serbian custom of “Krsna Slava”, festivity in honor of a Patron Saint, observed even today in spite of decades of Communist oppression of spirituality in general and the Christians in particular, serves as a certain marker of Serbian ancestry of a great number of  “Macedonians” of South Slavic type, chiefly in northern and western Povardarje regions.

The legacy of decades of Marxist-Titoist concept of social organization in the Ex-Yugoslav republic and the post-1992 process of symbolic De-Slavization of  the “Macedonian” identity in FYROM proved as an obstacle to consolidation of the Serbian identity at local level. The name “Macedonia” for a region belonging to the ancient regions of Paeonia and Dardania substituted the geographic name (southern) Serbia from the north of the country. Scholarship about the Serbian language, folklore and ethnology became non-existent due to the acquired reorientation of the public discourse towards building a fictional “Macedonian” identity rooted in classical antiquity. The presence of ethnic Serbs in FYROM, which numbers over 180. 000 people, mostly undeclared as such due to social pressure, was acknowledged by the constitution of the young Balkan nation only in 2002.

Pressure towards Serbs in FYROM continues as an unofficial policy and as folkoristic phenomena according to which they are mixture of “colonists” from Serbia and other areas of former Yugoslavia on one hand and “srbomani”, I. e. “Macedonians” or Bulgarians – depending on the perspective – which converted into Serbianism and are, by implication, traitors from the “Macedonian” collective guided by opportunism. Such stigmatization is part of a broader policy of homogenization of the entities characterized by Orthodox Christian affinity, including Greeks, Greek-Vlachs and conscious Bulgarians, under the banner of Pseudomacedonian ideology.

It remains to be seen are Serbs in FYROM going to prevail the local atmosphere of quiet dehumanization and “Macedonisation” in light of the phlegmatic attitude of Serbia with regard to cultural sponsorship of Serbian communities abroad. Modest successes regarding ethnic preservation and creation of ethnic metaphysical values after the change of the FYROMian constitution are encouraging signs, but complete revitalization of the local Serbian national culture can be achieved only in opposition to “Macedonizing” trends and creation of political appeal  against national defeatism and fatalism.

Vasko Gligorijević

Skoplje, FYROM

The Anatomy of a Big Lie: Nationalistic Ideology and FYROM

During times of crisis, from times immemorial,  humans have sought to activate the traditionalistic qualities in form of “mythos” that serves as a building material for the new “ethos”, the least being contemporary to action in crisis.

In order to investigate the patterns of the Pseudomacedonian ideology, it is important to study the FYROMian economical and sociological background.

As of late 2008, the evidence of diachronic collapse of the pillars of society is multiplying itself at an ever exponential rate. Economical policies of Gruevski: defiscalization and patronage of private institutions for higher learning, for some time has a stabilizing role in local economy. The latter, however is virtually untouched by any substantial foreign investment.

The core ideology of the leading political party among Slavs in FYROM – The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary (VMRO-DPMNE) is mirrored from the Western dichotomy of Conservatism, traditionalism and economic libertarianism, thus replacing the early to mid-1990’s role of ethnic socialism and rigidly folkloresque  symbolism. Today VMRO-DPMNE consolidated itself a Demo-Christian party, with slight minarchistic tendencies in economy, but with stronger points of consolidation regarding the imported and applied ideology of “Macedonism” in every aspect of individual and social life, with a strongly anti-individualistic, collectivist stance.

Chief task of VMRO-DPMNE in recent months and years is creation of consistent nationalist myth, something which, in case of normal development of Post-Communist culture, would have a justification as a basis for spiritual reconstruction of the young Balkan nation.  However the process  today represents an eclectic formulation which conceptually integrates the imaginary space of the “Macedonian people”, which is the 19^th century definition of “Geographic Macedonia”, its history and its cultures into a distinct “Slavomacedonian” high culture, based on Ancient Macedon as a cornerstone of the projected national history. This nationalist ideology is best described as “Pseudomacedonism”, something that according to Ex-Minister Denko Maleski (now a proffesor in Skoplje) was imported by marginal groups and individuals from outside.

The ideology of Pseudomacedonism is based on faulty historiographic premises, the key of which are:

The distinct character of the Slavomacedonians, based on superior historical base and formed as preserved cultural lineage from the earliest consolidation of ancient Macedonians. Consequently, the spirit of exceptionalism developed, whose adherents believe in inferiority of all neighboring countries based on fictionalized narratives of their genesis that contain anthropological features deemed dysfunctional.

Segregation from Bulgarians, meaning usurpation of the Bulgarian history and “Macedonisation” of any historical retrospective and nurture of chauvinism towards Bulgarian ethnic and lingistic characteristic, regardless of the very great similarity among both national vernaculars

Labeling as “Macedonian” the entire sum of cultural heritage in opposition to the fact that historical sources do not label the local Slavic-speaking population as such.

The rise of Pseudomacedonian symbolism in recent years obviously represents low-complexity psychological operation whose authors seek to solidify the collectivist ethos. Major events in the “Macedonist” propaganda are:

-The renaming of the Skopje and Ohrid airports “Alexander the Great” and “St. Paul”, respectively.

-Decoration of the surroundings of Government’s offices with Hellenistic and Roman statues, creating highly visible symbolic links with claimed antiquity.

-The staged and much-ridiculed visit of a delegation of Pakistani tribal leaders, mythically linked with the soldiers of Alexander the Great, presented to the public in FYROM as “part of our people”.

-Erection of statues of Alexander the Great in Prilep, to be followed with a monument of Phillip II in Bitola/Monastir and a giant, 50 ft. statue of Alexander the Great in Skopje

-The painfully absurd proposition held by MANU (“Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts”) from 2006 onwards that the famous epigraphic monument , the “Rosetta Stone” produced in Ptolemaic  Egypt contains a text written in language almost identical to the current standardized Bulgarian idiom of FYROM.

-Increased recent usage of the term “Macedonia” by officials in domestic context without observing the unwritten rule for more than a decade to use the qualifier “Republic of”.

All of these examples of irredentist behavior by official Skoplje have a function to create a parallel universe of symbolism that sets a border between FYROM on one and Bulgaria and Serbia on another hand. The virtual creation of illustrious ancestry, rooted in antiquity provides a reference base for identity politics which seek to isolate FYROM from the currents of global academic centers.

The deficit of practical means for cultural production in the sphere of identity politics, coupled with the fact that the only alternative to “Ancient Macedonian” identity is the history of South Slavic medieval period together with the Ottoman era which shows strong Bulgarian and also to a certain level, Serbian character is one of the factor that the “continuity theory” rises almost unchallenged. For quite a time, any offer of different, truthful perspective is likely to cause great hardships for authors in minimum and consequently, no academic opposition which would challenge the dogmatic nature of the fabricated “Macedonian” identity.

The gigantic structure of historical revisionism in FYROM showed the weakness of historiography that is still based on obsolete and didactic Marxist theories sustained by a network of mostly senior academics. Sensationalism found its logical outlet in a society where the very identity is permanently challenged by historiographies of neighbors and other countries as well. The strong Graecophobia, latent for two centuries, was chief determinant for articulation of the Pseudomacedonian nationalism. In this sense, reliance on instant answers provided by the great number of amateur historians which produce fake narratives of local history, proved itself superior vis-a-vis the autodidactic approach that provides intellectual gratification only after long research, an enterprise which is technically beyond the means of the general population.

It remains to be seen where the designers of the Pseudomacedonian ideology will continue to fool the people for an extended period of time with local and isolated historiographical, anthropological and linguistic theories of the recent several years, the absurdity of which needs no further explanation. While the hope lies in the new generation of more responsible members of the intellectual class, the current conditions in education is unlikely to nurture such emergence. It is possible that following eventual higher, tectonic disturbances of the status quo, the young Balkan nation’s leadership will retreat from the loudly articulated pseudoscientific positions held today.

Vasko Gligorijević

Skoplje, FYROM

Βρυξέλλες,

Η Eυρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή δεν πρόκειται να εισηγηθεί την έναρξη ενταξιακών διαπραγματεύσεων με την ΠΓΔΜ, θεωρώντας ότι δεν πληροί τα κοινοτικά κριτήρια, ενώ θα χαρακτηρίζει καίριας σημασίας για την ενταξιακή προοπτική της γειτονικής χώρας την επίλυση του ζητήματος της ονομασίας.

Ο πρόεδρος της Πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβικής Δημοκρατίας της Μακεδονίας, Μπράνκο Τσερβένκοφσκι έχει να δώσει λύση στο πρόβλημα που αντιμετωπίζει με τον πρωθυπουργό του. Το περιεχόμενο της ετήσιας έκθεσης προόδου της ενταξιακής πορείας της ΠΓΔΜ, που θα υιοθετηθεί στη συνεδρίαση της προσεχούς Τετάρτης από την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή θα είναι απογοητευτικό για τα Σκόπια, δεδομένου ότι ο απολογισμός που κάνει η Κομισιόν δεν αφήνει κανένα περιθώριο περαιτέρω προσέγγισης με την Ε.Ε., τουλάχιστον για το επόμενο έτος.

Ειδικότερα, η Επιτροπή χαρακτηρίζει απογοητευτική τη διαδικασία των εθνικών εκλογών του περασμένου Ιουνίου, ενώ μεταξύ των προβλημάτων που καταγράφει είναι ο περιορισμένος διάλογος της κυβέρνησης με την αντιπολίτευση, η ανεπαρκής όσο και ανησυχητική λειτουργία των θεσμών, οι διώξεις πολιτικών αντιπάλων. Επιπλέον η υιοθέτηση με μεγάλη προχειρότητα νομοθετημάτων προσαρμογής της χώρας στο κοινοτικό κεκτημένο δεν αφήνει καμία δυνατότητα εφαρμογής τους.

Αναφορικά με τη ζήτημα της ονομασίας, η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή χρησιμοποιεί την παράγραφο των συμπερασμάτων του της Συνόδου Κορυφής του περασμένου Ιουνίου, τα οποία επισημαίνουν την καίρια σημασία που έχουν (για τα Σκόπια), η προώθηση σχέσεων καλής γειτονίας και η εξεύρεση αμοιβαία αποδεκτής λύσης. Για το λόγο αυτό επισημαίνεται η ανάγκη εντατικοποίησης των προσπαθειών προς επίλυση της διαφοράς περί την ονομασία υπό την αιγίδα των Ηνωμένων Εθνών.

Τονίζεται επίσης ότι:

1) το ζήτημα της ονομασίας συνεχίζει να επηρεάζει αρνητικά τις διμερείς σχέσεις Ελλάδας-ΠΓΔΜ

2) τα Σκόπια πρέπει να αποφεύγουν πράξεις που θα μπορούσαν να επηρεάσουν αρνητικά τις σχέσεις καλής γειτονίας

3) συνδέεται η ενταξιακή πορεία των Σκοπίων με τις επιδόσεις της χώρας αυτής στον τομέα της περιφερειακής συνεργασίας και των σχέσεων καλής γειτονίας.

Τέλος συμπεριλαμβάνεται για πρώτη φορά αναφορά για τις διαφωνίες που προκαλεί πλέον το ζήτημα του ονόματος μεταξύ των κομμάτων στην εσωτερική πολιτική σκηνή της ΠΓΔΜ, δηλαδή η «κόντρα» που υπάρχει σήμερα μεταξύ του προέδρου της Δημοκρατίας Μπράνκο Τσερβένκοφσκι και του Πρωθυπουργού Νίκολα Γκρουέφσκι.

ΝΙΚΟΣ ΜΠΕΛΛΟΣ - ΝΑΥΤΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ

A table with numbers making explicit the population of Skopje during 19th cent.

Sources:
- Anastasovski “Contestations over Macedonian identity 1870-1912″
- Halil Inalcik “The middle east and the balkans under the ottoman empire essays on economy and society”
- Mehmet Inbasi “The city of Skopje and its demographic structure in the 19th century”

In page 208 he mentions ‘Bulgarian peasants’ near Skopje(Uskoub)

In page 211 he is in Skopje and writes about the population: ‘sa population est eminemment Bulgare,mais il y a aussi assez de Serbes et de Zinzares’ (Tr: its population is eminently Bulgarian, but there are also enough Serbs and Zinzares(Vlachs).

With the formation of the second Bulgarian Empire in 1186, the rule of the Tsars once more made itself felt in Macedonia. As early as 1197 a Bulgarian noble declared himself independent in the passes of the Vardar, and governed Upper Macedonia in his own name. We find the Tsar Kalojan lord of Uskub in 1210.

Slaveikoff, by his journal, published at Constantinople in the sixties, had endeavoured to prepare the way for the national movement in Macedonia ; but so little was the Bulgarian alphabet then known, even among the Bulgarian Macedonians, that the editor was forced to print his patriotic articles in Greek characters.

Bcrats were granted in 1890 for two Bulgarian Bishops at Ochrida and Uskub respectively.

While later the author informs us ”In the district of Uskub, where there are some Servian-speaking refugees and people speaking a Bulgarian dialect containing many Servian words“.

- E. G. Ravenstein in “Journal of the Statistical Society of London”, Vol. 40, No. 3 (Sep., 1877), pp. 433-467

The Sanjak of Skopje has a BULGARIAN MAJORITY!!!

- Taken from the book “History Of Montenegro” by Francis Seymour Stevenson, 1914 

In page 24 we can find

Stevenson makes it explicit that the Ethnicities suffering from the extension of Serbian state were Greeks, Magyars, Shkipetars and Bulgarians since unfortunately for the usual propagandists of fYROM, these were the only Ethnicities of the region. 

Its even interesting to witness the fact Stevenson mentions Skoplje when it became the new capital  on the Wardar but still there were found No “Macedonians” there but obviously Bulgarians!!!!

- The Journal of International Relations By george h. blakeslee

- In the book“Turkey in Transition” by G.F Abbott, published in 1909 we are informed Skopje (Uskub) had
“Bulgarian inhabitants“

- In the book “The Bulgarians and Anglo-Saxondom” published in 1919, we are informed that Skopje, along with other cities of Modern FYROM were “recognised as Bulgarian“

In this rare British Edition Map of Greece from 1829, the whole of Macedonia is in Greece proper and considered a Greek province. Also notice that all the names of cities in Macedonia are Greek. Skopje (Scupi) is outside of the territory of Macedonia and is in Dardania Propria.

From the book: ‘Macedonia, The Macedonia Struggle, Greece-Macedonia 4000 Years’ by Konstantinos Douflias, Aegean Publications, 1992, page 11.

By Christos

The nationalistic hysteria which predominates in FYROM is all over the place, even in streets where anyone could take a walk and be a self-witness of this tragic spectacle.

Neither Bukephalas (Alexander’s famous Horse) got away from the Nationalistic Hysteria. Bucephalas’s picture from the facade of VMRO-DPMNE office.

By Vasiliye

Around the same time as the Greek uprising against the Ottoman Turks in Macedonia, the Turks were signing a peace treaty (Treaty of San Stefano; March 3, 1878) with Russia after the Ottoman Empire lost the Russo-Turkish War. The Treaty of San Stefano forced Turkey to give all of Macedonia to Bulgaria and create ‘Great Bulgaria’. This allowed Russia to have a ’slav’ satellite in the Balkans where her influence could extend down to the Aegean Sea. This Russian attempt was later cancelled by the European Powers (The British Empire and France) and the treaty was never allowed to take effect. Instead the Treaty of Berlin was signed and no Great Bulgaria was created.
Ethnicity in the Balkans was defined by church affiliation. Russia and Bulgaria had created the Bulgarian Exarchate Church for political reasons on February 28, 1870. It split from the Greek Orthodox Ecumenical Patriarchate in Constantinople. Anyone pledging allegiance to the Exarchy was Bulgarian and anyone pledging allegiance to the Patriarchate was Greek. Thousands of people living in Macedonia never wanted anything with the Exarchate and said they were Greek EVEN IF THEY SPOKE BULGARIAN and its dialects. They were considered peculiar to the Bulgarians who did not understand this. They were called discriminatorily ‘Grecomans’ by the Bulgarians. Today’s Skopjeans call these Greeks ‘Grkomans’. WHY? Because the Skopjeans were really BULGARIANS once even if they don’t want to admit it now.
 
The Greeks in Macedonia were in an uproar when they heard that they would suddenly go from Turkish rule to Bulgarian rule.  Therefore, many letters of complaint were written to Athens protesting the Exarchy and asking for help from ‘Free Greece’. Below is an example of an original letter written by the Greek Consulate in Bitolia (Monastiri) and contained 14 000 signatures. The letter also mentions that similar protests had already taken place in Skopje, Florina, and Kastoria! These people were Greek and they pledged their allegiance to the ‘Patriarcheion’ as is evident in the letter written in Greek!!!
 
One last note: The town of Monastiri was known by various names through time: MONASTIRI in Greek; BITOLIA (pronounced Vitolia) in Greek; from the Bulgarian name BITOLIA (БИТОЛЯ); MANASTIR in Turkish from the Greek Monastiri. Notice in the letter of 1878, it is written Bitolia in Greek because in the region of Macedonia lived Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs, Albanians, and Turks: NEVER ‘ethnic-Macedonians’. The name BITOLA was changed after 1944 when the current Serbo-Bulgarian dialect of Skopje was created and many previous Greek and Bulgarian influences and grammar were removed from the Bulgarian dialect spoken in Monastiri!!! The Skopjeans now call this language: ‘Macedonian’!!!

The letter is found on page 80 of the book by Konstantinos Douflias: ‘Macedonia, The Macedonian Conflict, Greece-Macedonia 4000 Years; Copyright 1992 by Aegean Publications’.

The Document

Μετά και την δημοσιοποίηση της είδησης οτι στα Σκόπια χτίζεται απο τους Αμερικανούς βάση μεγαθήριο ”πρεσβεία”, που έκανε τον γύρο της μπλογκόσφαιρας, σκοπιανοί, άσπονδοι ”φίλοι” μας, θεώρησαν σωστό να μας παραχωρήσουν επιπλέον φωτογραφίες του εργοταξίου, που τράβηξαν οι ίδιοι, με το σκεπτικό όχι βέβαια να συνεισφέρουν στην ενημέρωση των Ελληνικών μπλογκ, αλλά να μας…”ανησυχήσουν” απο την προστασία που χαίρουν απο την άλλοτε υπερδύναμη, οπότε και θεωρούμε καθήκον μας να τις δημοσιεύσουμε περαιτέρω.

Φυσικά και εμείς τους ευχαριστούμε, παρ’ όλα αυτά.

Σύμφωνα με το παρόν δημοσίευμα και για το οποίο αναμένονται περισσότερες πληροφορίες στο εγγύς μέλλον, το εβδομαδιαίο περιοδικό Der Spiegel δημοσιεύει άρθρο με τον τίτλο:

«Fyrom πρεσβεία και κέντρο της CIA;»

Στα Σκόπια κατασκευάζεται υπό άκρα μυστικότητα η μεγαλύτερη αμερικανική πρεσβεία των Βαλκανίων. Εκτείνεται σε έκταση 11 εκταρίων ( 110 στρεμμάτων ) και σύμφωνα με τα σκοπιανά ΜΜΕ το τεράστιο κτιριακό συγκρότημα θα περιλαμβάνει επιπρόσθετα 10 με 15 υπόγειους ορόφους. Πρόσβαση στο εργοτάξιο έχουν μόνο η αρμόδια αμερικανική κατασκευαστική εταιρεία Brown & Root και εργάτες της σκοπιανής εταιρείας Grant, οι οποίοι έχουν υποχρεωθεί σε απόλυτη μυστικότητα. Η Grant στην δεκαετία του ’80 είχε κατασκευάσει και το υπόγειο καταφύγιο του Σαντάμ Χουσεϊν και φέρεται την άνοιξη του 2003, κατά την επίθεση στην Βαγδάτη, να έδωσε στην Ουάσινγκτον τα παλιά σχέδια που είχε στην κατοχή της. Η νέα πρεσβεία αναμένεται να κοστίσει συνολικά 100 εκατομμύρια δολάρια. Γύρω από το γιγάντιο νέο κτίσμα θα δημιουργηθεί μια μεγάλη ζώνη ασφαλείας. Οι αμερικανοί θέλουν να πείσουν τους τσιγγάνους Roma που ζουν στην περιοχή να αλλάξουν τόπο κατοικίας καταβάλλοντάς τους χρηματικές αποζημιώσεις. Στην Φυρομ κυκλοφορούν οι φήμες ότι στα Σκόπια δεν δημιουργείται μόνο μια διπλωματική αποστολή, αλλά επιπλέον το τοπικό κέντρο της CIA και το λογιστικό κέντρο για την στρατιωτική βάση των ΗΠΑ στο Κόσοβο, στην Βουλγαρία και στη Ρουμανία. Η Φυρομ θεωρείται ως ιδιαίτερα πιστός σύμμαχος των ΗΠΑ.

Συμπληρώνω επίσης:

Η εταιρεία Halliburton που ανέλαβε και το χτίσιμο της αχανούς και τεράστιας βάσης Camp Bondsteel,  και η Brown & Root, συνδέονται άμεσα με τον Dick Cheney και την Αμερικανική κυβέρνηση, και με πολλές βάσεις και εξοπλισμούς, διασκορπισμένες σε όλα τα Βαλκάνια και το Αφγανιστάν, όπως επίσης και μελέτες επάνω στον μελλοντικό αγωγό Βουλγαρίας - Σκοπίων - Αλβανίας που θεωρείται ανταγωνιστής του Μπουργκάς - Αλεξανδρούπολης. Επίσης σύμφωνα με το συγκεκριμένο άρθρο του 2002, μελέτες απο την συγκεκριμένη εταιρεία έχουν γίνει και σε ένα κομμάτι της…Εγνατίας Οδού. Όπως αντιλαμβάνονται οι φίλοι μας και αναγνώστες, εαν αποφασίσουμε να ψάξουμε λίγο πιο βαθιά, θα βγουν πολύ περισσότερα πράγματα στην επιφάνεια, τα οποία και θα ξετυλιχθούν σαν κουβάρι, αυτό όμως το οποίο γίνεται απο τώρα κατανοητό και σαφως συνδέεται και με την Αμερικανορωσική αντιπαλότητα και τα σχέδια της Αμερικής στην περιοχή, είναι οτι οι Αμερικανοί αποδεικνύουν πως είναι αποφασισμένοι να υπερασπιστούν με κάθε τρόπο να σχέδια τους στο σύντομο μέλλον, και πιθανόν είναι ακόμα πιο μακρινά και σοβαρά απο ότι πιστεύουμε.

Ειδικά αφου οι θέσεις της Ελλάδας άλλαξαν αρκετά τα τελευταία χρόνια αποκλίνοντας απο την Αμερικανική επιρροή, και ο Ελληνικός λαός κατέχει μακράν τα σκήπτρα δυσαρέσκειας απένταντι τους.

Ξέρετε ποιό είναι το αγαπημένο τραγούδι των Σκοπιανών στην FYROM???

Ένα απο τα πιο κατάπτυστα Εθνικιστικά Σκοπιανά τραγούδια το οποίο καθυβρίζει τους Έλληνες, ενώ παράλληλα επικεντρώνεται στην…προβολή της αντιπαράθεσης αρχ. Μακεδόνων - Αθηναίων στην μάχη της Χαιρώνειας με εμφανείς παραλληλισμούς προς την σημερινή εποχή!!!

Το τραγούδι είναι το… “Aleksandar Car Makedonski” της Suzana Spasovska και σύμφωνα με πληροφορίες μας απο τα Σκόπια, παίζεται συνέχεια στην Σκοπιανή Τηλεόραση και Ραδιόφωνο.

Εμείς απο την πλευρά μας να υπενθυμίσουμε στους γείτονες μας αυτό που παλεύουν να ξεχάσουν….

Όπως είχε γράψει μια αναγνώστρια μας για τους Σκοπιανούς “όσο και αν προσπαθούν να την κρύψουν, η γυφτιά δεν κρύβεται!!!”

By D-Mak