The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs

© Marcus A. Templar, 2008.

  • Abstract and Acknowledgement
  • Chapter 1. What is all about? Regional Stability and Security
  • Chapter 2. Ancient Macedonia and its people
  • Chapter 3. Slavs: New Invaders in Byzantium
  • Chapter 4. Ilinden Uprising: A “Macedonian” or a Bulgarian Act?
  • Chapter 5. The Transmutation of a Slav People to Macedonians
  • Chapter 6. The Establishment of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
  • Chapter 7. Nationalism and Stability
  • Conclusion
  • Appendix
  • Bibliography
  • APPENDIX A

    LIST OF ANCIENT MACEDONIAN OLYMPIANS

    YEAR

    NAME OF

    CITYor AREA of

    OLYMPIAD

    BC

    VICTOR

    ORIGIN

    CONTEST

    SOURCES

    75th

    480

    Theagenes

    Thasos

    Boxing

    Pausanias IV, 6; 11,15

    76th

    476

    Theagenes

    Thasos

    Pankration

    Plutarch 811D

    80th

    460

    King Alexander I

    Aigai

    Stadion

    Herodotus IX, 45

    93rd

    408

    King Archelaos

    Aigai

    Tethrippon

    Solon IX, 16

    106th

    356

    King Philip II

    Pella

    Keles

    Plutarch 3, 8

    107th

    352

    King Philip II

    Pella

    Synoris

    Plutarch 4, 9

    108th

    348

    King Philip II

    Pella

    Tethrippon

    Justin XII, 6,6

    113th

    328

    Kliton

    Stadion

    Oxyrhynchus papyrus 12

    115th

    320

    Damasias

    Amphipolis

    Stadion

    Oxyrhynchus papyrus 12

    119th

    304

    Lampos

    Philippi

    Tethrippon

    Pausanias VI, 4, 10

    122nd

    292

    King Antigonos

    Stadion

    Julius Africanus

    123rd

    288

    King Antigonos

    Stadion

    Julius Africanus

    128th

    268

    King Seleukos

    Stadion

    Pausanias V, 8, 11

    128th

    268

    Belistihe f

    Tethrippon

    Julius Africanus

    129th

    264

    Belistihe f

    Synoris

    Oxyrhynchus papyrus 2082

    133rd

    248

    Simylos

    Neapolis

    Stadion

    Julius Africanus

    ???

    3rd Cent.

    King Ptolemy I

    Eordaia

    Tethrippon

    Poseidippos 78

    ???

    3rd Cent.

    King Ptolemy II

    Eordaia

    Tethrippon

    Poseidippos 78

    ???

    3rd Cent.

    Queen Arsinoe

    Eordaia

    Chariot race x3

    Poseidippos 78

    ???

    3rd Cent.

    Queen Berenike I

    Eordaia

    Tethrippon

    Poseidippos 78

    ???

    3rd Cent.

    Queen Berenike II

    Eordaia

    Tethrippon

    Poseidippos 79

    ???

    3rd Cent.

    Etearkhos

    Horse race x3

    Poseidippos 76

    ???

    3rd Cent.

    Molykos

    Horse

    Poseidippos 72

    ???

    3rd Cent.

    Trygaios

    Horse

    Poseidippos 73

    ???

    3rd Cent.

    Plaggon

    Synoris

    Poseidippos 127

    200th

    3rd Cent.

    Polemon

    Petra, Macedonia

    Stadion

    Julius Africanus

    ???

    3rd Cent.

    Ulpios Heliodoros

    Thessaloniki

    unknown x3

    Inscription IG IV591

    APPENDIX B

    KATADESMOS

    193

    Katadesmos – Curse

    Macedonism%20of%20the%20Slavs img 17 The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    Pella Tablet – 3rd century BC Macedonia

    1. [ΘΕΤΙ]ΜΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΙΟΝΥΣΟΦΩΝΤΟΣ ΤΟ ΤΕΛΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΝ ΓΑΜΟΝ ΚΑΤΑΓΡΑΦΩ ΚΑΙ ΤΑΝ ΑΛΛΑΝ ΠΑΣΑΝ ΓΥ

    2. [ΝΑΙΚ]ΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΧΗΡΑΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΡΘΕΝΩΝ ΜΑΛΙΣΤΑ ΔΕ ΘΕΤΙΜΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΡΚΑΤΤΙΘΕΜΑΙ ΜΑΚΡΩΝΙ ΚΑΙ

    3. [ΤΟΙΣ] ΔΑΙΜΟΣΙ ΚΑΙ ΟΠΟΚΑ ΕΓΟ ΤΑΥΤΑ ΔΙΕΛΕΞΑΙΜΙ ΚΑΙ ΑΝΑΓΝΟΙΗΝ ΠΑΛLΙΝ ΑΝΟΡΟΞΑΣΑ

    4. [ΤΟΚΑ] ΓΑΜΑΙ ΔΙΟΝΥΣΟΦΩΝΤΑ ΠΡΟΤΕΡΟΝ ΔΕ ΜΗ ΜΗ ΓΑΡ ΛΑΒΟΙ ΑΛΛΑΝ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΑ ΑΛΛ Η ΕΜΕ

    5. [ΕΜΕ Δ]Ε ΣΥΝΚΑΤΑΓΗΡΑΣΑΙ ΔΙΟΝΥΣΟΦΩΝΤΙ ΚΑΙ ΜΗΔΕΜΙΑΝ ΑΛΛΑΝ ΙΚΕΤΙΣ ΥΜΩΝ ΓΙΝΟ

    6. [ΜΑΙ ΦΙΛ]ΑΝ ΟΙΚΤΙΡΕΤΕ ΔΑΙΜΟΝΕΣ ΦΙΛ[Ο]Ι ΔΑΓΙΝΑΓΑΡΙΜΕ ΦΙΛΩΝ ΠΑΝΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΕΡΗΜΑ ΑΛΛΑ

    7. [....]Α ΦΥΛΑΣΣΕΤΕ ΕΜΙΝ Ο[Π]ΩΣ ΜΗ ΓΙΝΕΤΑΙ ΤΑ[Υ]ΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΚΑ ΚΑΚΩΣ ΘΕΤΙΜΑ ΑΠΟΛΗΤΑΙ

    8. [....]ΑΛ[-].ΥΝΜ .. ΕΣΠΛΗΝ ΕΜΟΣ ΕΜΕ ΔΕ [Ε]Υ[Δ]ΑΙΜΟΝΑ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΚΑΡΙΑΝ ΓΕΝΕΣΤΑΙ

    9. [-]ΤΟ[.].[-].[..]..Ε.Ε.Ω[?]Α.[.]Ε..ΜΕΓΕ [-]

    The Translated Text 194

    Of Thetima and Dionysophon the ritual wedding and the marriage I bind by a written spell, as well as (the marriage) of all other women (to him), both widows and maidens, but above all of Thetima; and I entrust (this spell) to Macron and to the demons. And were I ever to unfold and read these words again after digging (the tablet) up, only then should Dionysophon marry, not before; may he indeed not take another beside myself, but let me alone grow old by the side of Dionysophon and no one else. I implore you: have pity for [Phila (?)], dear demons, [for I am indeed bereft (?)] of all my dear ones and abandoned. But please keep this (piece of writing) for my sake so that these events do not happen and wretched Thetima perishes miserably [---] but let me become happy and blessed.

    APPENDIX C

    Ottoman Vilayets as of 1913.

    Macedonism%20of%20the%20Slavs img 18 The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    Selanik Vilayeti (Thessaloniki Vilayet) was divided in three sancaks, Thessaloniki, Serres, and Drama.
    Macedonism%20of%20the%20Slavs img 19 The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    Kosova Vilayeti (Kosovo Vilayet) was divided in five sandjaks, Skopje, Pristina, Senice, Pech, Taslica, and Prizren.

    Macedonism%20of%20the%20Slavs img 20 The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    Vilayet of Edirne (Edirne [Adrianople] Vilayet) was divided in five sandjaks, Edirne, Kirklaleri, Tekirdag, Callipoli, Alexandroupolis, and Komotini.

    Macedonism%20of%20the%20Slavs img 21 The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    Manastir Vilayeti (Monastiri [Bitola] Vilayet) was divided in five sandjaks, Manastir, Servia, Debar, Elbasan, and Korce.

    APPENDIX D

    THE MANIFESTO OF THE KRUSHEVO REPUBLIC

    AUGUST 2-3, 1903 195

    Fellow countrymen and dear neighbours !

    We, your perennial neighbours, friends and acquaintances from the beautiful Krushevo and its pretty villages, regardless of faith, nationality, sex or conviction, not being able to endure any more the tyranny of bloodthirsty murtats 196 who hunger for human flesh, who would like to lead both you and us to slaughter, to reduce both you and us to poverty, and to turn our dear and wealthy land of Macedonia into a wasteland, we have today raised our heads and decided to defend ourselves with rifles in our hands from our and your enemies, and obtain freedom. You know very well that we are not evil and you understand that it is trouble that made us risk our lives, so that we might begin living like human beings or die like heroes! And because since the times of our grandfathers and great-grandfathers we have lived together like brothers of this land, we consider you as our own, and would like it to remain the same forever. We have not raised our rifles against you - it would be shameful for us to do so; we have not raised against the peaceful diligent and honest Turkish people who, like ourselves, earn their living through sweat full of blood - they are our brothers with whom we have always lived and would like to live again; we have not risen to slaughter and plunder, to set fire and steal - we have had enough of countless derebeyis pillaging and plundering our poor and blood-stained Macedonia; we have not risen to convert to Christianity and disgrace your mothers and sisters, wives and daughters; you should know that your property, your lives, your faith and your honour are as dear to us as our own. Alas, we have taken up arms only to protect our property, our lives, our faith and our honour. We are not murtats of our own land that has given birth to us, we are not robbers and plunderers, but revolutionaries sworn to die for justice and freedom; we rebel against tyranny and against slavery; we are fighting and will fight against murtats, against robbers, against oppressors and plunderers, against besmirchers of our honour and our faith and against those who benefit from our sweat and exploit our labour. Do not be afraid of us and of our villages - we shall not harm anyone. Not only do we consider you as our brothers, but we also feel sorry for you as our brothers, since we understand that you are slaves like ourselves, slaves of the Sultan and of his beys, effendis and pashas, slaves of the rich and powerful, slaves of tyrants and oppressors, who have set fire to the empire from all four sides and have made us rise up for justice, for freedom and for human life. We invite you, too, to join us in our struggle for justice, freedom and human life! Come, Moslem brothers, let us together go against your and our enemies! Come under the banner of “Autonomous Macedonia”! Macedonia is the mother of us all and she calls on us for help. Let us break the chains of slavery, free ourselves from suffering and pain, and dry the rivers of blood and tears! Join us, brothers, let us fuse our souls and hearts and save ourselves, so that we and our children and our children’s children might live in peace, work calmly and make progress!… Dear neighbours! We understand that you as Turks, Arnauts and Moslems might think that the empire is yours and that you are not slaves since there is no cross on the imperial flag but a star and a crescent. You will soon see and understand that this is not so and that you are wrong. Nevertheless, if you honour does not allow you to join us and declare yourselves against the Sultan’s tyranny, we, your brothers in suffering and of the same homeland, shall do you no harm and shall not hate you. We will fight alone both for you and us, and if necessary, we will fight to the last man under the banner for our and your freedom, for our and your justice. “Freedom or Death” is written on our foreheads and on our blood-stained banner. We have already raised that banner and there is no way back. If you consider us as your brothers, too, if you wish us well, if you intend to live with us again as you have lived up to now, and if you are faithful and worthy sons of our mother Macedonia, you could help us in one way at least - and it would be a great help indeed - do not make partners of the enemy, do not raise guns against us and do not oppress the Christian villages!

    May God bless our holy struggle for justice and freedom!

    Long live the fighters for freedom and all honest and good Macedonian sons!

    Hurrah! For “Autonomous Macedonia!”

    APPENDIX E

    EXCERPTS FROM VARIOUS PUBLICATIONS OF 1913

    REGARDING THE ILINDEN UPRISING

    The 1903 Toronto Globe and Mail in a series of dispatches from the area declared,

    Salonica, 6 August. - A special messenger from Monastir reports that the Bulgarian insurgents have dynamited the Governor’s palace in the town of Krushevo, 23 miles north of Monastir.

    Vienna, 7 August. - Salonica dispatch to the Neue Freie Presse says that 1,000 young Bulgarians have taken the filed in the neighborhood of Monastir. The Bulgarian families there have been ordered to prepare provisions for the insurgents.

    Athens, 7 August - Official reports state that Bulgarian bands have occupied Krushevo, and are besieging other villages in the vilayet of Monastir.

    Salonica, 7 August - Four battalions of Turkish troops supported by artillery yesterday met and routed a body of 1,700 Bulgarians, near Sorovitch [Amyntaion].

    Salonica, 13 August - It is reported that the Bulgarian insurgents have massacred the inhabitants of the large Turkish village of Kenati, near Monastir, only twenty escaping.

    Again the Toronto Globe and Mail, August 17, 1903 states,

    … in the town of Salonica itself, the Bulgarian professors of the university, the students and shopkeepers, in fact all intelligent Bulgarians in the city, have been cast into prison… In the vilayet of Uskub, the entire Bulgarian population has been systematically persecuted since last May. The director of the normal school at Uskub was imprisoned because his library contained the “revolutionary” works of “Othello” and “Les Miserables…In the districts of Palanka, Koschiani, Koumanovo and Gostigar, the prisons (sic) are filled with Bulgarian priests, schoolmasters and merchants. It is difficult to obtain the exact number of Bulgarians who were imprisoned, mostly on the flimsiest pretexts, as when they were released others were immediately arrested. The estimates obtainable give for the vilayet of Salonica 900 prisoners; for Uskub [Skopje] 500; for Monastir, 500, and for Adrianople, 550; a grand total of 2,800.”

    The newspaper “The Times of London” covering the uprising, stated,

    7 August. Four battalions, supported by artillery, routed 1,700 Bulgarians near Sorovitch [Amyntaion] yesterday…Official reports just received here state that besides Kruschevo Bulgarian bands have occupied also Piddoderi and are besieging other villages near Monastir… The general rising in Macedonia planned for the end of August seems to have begun in earnest. They have called out the unmarried male population in the neighbour hood of Monsastir and according to a dispatch from Salonika to the Neue Freie Presse, 1,000 young Bulgarians have already answered the call. The Bulgarian families at Monastir have been ordered to prepare provisions for the insurgents, and many female teachers and girls have joined the bands in order to tend the wounded. A number of Bulgarian officers are reported to be organizing the insurgent forces.

    APPENDIX F

    NUMBER OF VICTIMS OF KIDNAPPING

    OF THE GREEK CIVIL WAR 1944 - 45

    Dr. Milan Ristović states, “in January of 1950 there were 2000 children in Bulgaria, 3,500 in Czechoslovakia, 3,000 in Hungary, 500 in Poland, 6,500 in Romania, and 11,000 in Yugoslavia, a total of 26,500 children.” 197 Eudes 198 in the chapter “The Greek Children” mentions that according to the Red Cross reports, there were 23,693 of them: 10,000 in Yugoslavia, 3,801 in Rumania, 3,800 in Hungary, 2,660 in Bulgaria, 2,235 in Czechoslovakia and 2000 in Albania. But the actual number of these children lived to see the end of the tragedy known to the Greeks as the Paedomazoma or “gathering of children” is unknown.

    APPENDIX G

    THE STORY OF BABA-DONKA

    Donka [name withheld] of Bitola, the FYROM told this story to the author in the summer of 1972. Donka [name withheld] or commonly called baba-Donka is the author’s great aunt.

    During the Bulgarian occupation of the area, baba-Donka’s son Nikola decided to walk from Bitola (Present-day The FYROM) to a neighboring village to see a friend. On his way, he met up with some Bulgarian troops, who, thinking that he was a partisan, threw gasoline of him and burned him alive.

    Because of the above event, after the communist took over Yugoslavia, the communist authorities bestowed the “honor” to baba-Donka, as a hero’s mother, to escort the kidnapped children from Greece to Tetovo (Present-day The FYROM). Baba-Donka went to Kremenica (Present-day The FYROM), a town on the borders to Greece where the communist Partisans kept the children, put them on a train and from there they took the children to Bitola and from there to Tetovo. From Tetovo their final destination was Buljkes, present day Bački Maglić (Present-day Serbia), a town about 20 kms WNW of Novi Sad, Vojvodina, Serbia. Many of the children were babies crying, the older ones, speaking only Greek, made the task of the women-escorts difficult. However, what made baba-Donka’s life extremely hard was that a good number of children died of illnesses such as dysentery, privation, etc. The children were under partisan control and unattended for long periods.

    After the first journey, baba-Donka “thanked” the authorities for the “honor,” but she also told them that she was too old to continue such trips. She was about 50 years old at that time. Baba-Donka felt pity for the children and she was disgusted by what was happening to them in the name of scientific communism. She never forgave the authorities. She had already lost one child to the war and she did not like to see other parents losing theirs. The communist regime of Titoic Yugoslavia blamed the Nazi Germans for my uncle Nikola’s death, something that was not true. German troops were not in the area; the Bulgarians were. Simply, the communist government of Yugoslavia did not want to blame the newly discovered “comrades.”

    APPENDIX H

    The Referendum Question Announced (August 7, 1991)

    AU0808110191 Skopje Radio Macedonia Network in Macedonian 2000 GMT 7 Aug 91.

    The Macedonian Assembly today adopted a proclamation addressed to the citizens, which reads:

    At its session of 6 August 1991, the Macedonian Assembly unanimously adopted the decision to call a referendum in the Republic of Macedonia at which the citizens of Macedonia should answer the question: “Are you in favor of a sovereign and independent state of Macedonia with the right to join a future union of sovereign states of Yugoslavia?”

    By voting for it you will be voting for the realization of your centuries-old historic aspiration for your own nationality, sovereignty, autonomy, and the democratic state of Macedonia, which will guarantee to all its citizens the civilized achievements of a humane and common life.

    Citizens of Macedonia, by voting for it you will be voting for the right of Macedonia to preserve and protect your interests in a future union of sovereign states of Yugoslavia. By taking part in the referendum you will be contributing to the solution of the Yugoslav crisis in a peaceful and democratic way.

    Citizens of Macedonia, the Macedonian Assembly asks all citizens of Macedonia, in the republic and outside, to take part in the referendum and perform your citizens’ duty to [word indistinct], freely, and directly express your will and wish for the future state-legal position of the Republic of Macedonia.

    The referendum will be held on 8 September 1991. The referendum’s decision will be the one made by the majority of citizens who are entered in the electoral registers.

    This was stated in the proclamation issued by the Macedonian Assembly for the citizens of the republic.

    APPENDIX I

    UNSC RESOLUTIONS REGARDING THE NAME DISPUTE BETWEEN GREECE AND THE FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

    Macedonism%20of%20the%20Slavs img 23 The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    UN
    Security Council
    3191st Meeting Resolution
    S/RES/817
    April 7, 1993

    un The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    Resolution 817 (1993) 199

    The Security Council,

    • Having examined the application for admission to the United Nations in document S/25147,

    • Noting that the applicant fulfils the criteria for membership in the United Nations laid down in Article 4 of the Charter,

    • Noting however that a difference has arisen over the name of the State, which needs to be resolved in the interest of the maintenance of peaceful and good-neighbourly relations in the region,

    • Welcoming the readiness of the Co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, at the request of the Secretary-General, to use their good offices to settle the above-mentioned difference, and to promote confidence-building measures among the parties,

    • Taking note of the contents of the letters contained in documents S/25541, S/25542 and S/25543 received from the parties,

    1. Urges the parties to continue to cooperate with the Co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia in order to arrive at a speedy settlement of their difference;

    2. Recommends to the General Assembly that the State whose application is contained in document S/25147 be admitted to membership in the United Nations, this State being provisionally referred to for all purposes within the United Nations as “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” pending settlement of the difference that has arisen over the name of the State;

    3. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council on the outcome of the initiative taken by the Co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia.

    Macedonism%20of%20the%20Slavs img 23 The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    UN

    Security Council
    3243rd Meeting Resolution
    S/RES/845
    June 18, 1993

    un The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    Resolution 845 (1993) 200

    The Security Council,

    • Recalling its resolutions 817 (1993) of 7 April 1993, in which it urged Greece and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to continue to cooperate with the Co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia in order to arrive at a speedy settlement of their difference,

    • Having considered the report of the Secretary-General submitted pursuant to resolution 817 (1993), together with the statement of the Government of Greece and the letter of the President of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia dated 27 and 29 May 1993 respectively (S/25855 and Add.1 and 2),

    1. Expresses its appreciation to the Co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia for their efforts and commends to the parties as a sound basis for the settlement of their difference the proposals set forth in annex V to the report of the Secretary-General;

    2. Urges the parties to continue their efforts under the auspices of the Secretary-General to arrive at a speedy settlement of the remaining issues between them;

    3. Requests the Secretary-General to keep the Council informed on the progress of these further efforts, the objective of which is to resolve the difference between the two parties before the commencement of the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly, and to report to the Council on their outcome in good time, and decides to resume consideration of the matter in the light of the report.

    APPENDIX J

    PROPAGANDA GOES TO SCHOOL 201

    By Dina Karatziou, Newspaper Eleftherotypia, Athens, Sunday- October 16, 2005.

    The issue of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia enters a new critical phase with Nimetz’s last proposal, which was rejected by the Greek side, and the concern of the neighboring State’s EU entrance negotiations, connected with the solution that will finally be given regarding the question of the name.

    However, even if the problem focuses in the name, other problems should also be regarded. Amongst others the propaganda issue of “Macedonians in bondage” has been pointed out (texts of the special mediator). Especially when propaganda penetrates into the system of the neighboring State’s education system and is recorded in the official schoolbooks. This opinion is conclusive after a decennial research of Professor P. Ksohellis of the Aristotle University in Thessaloniki and scientists of Center of Research of School Books and Cross-cultural Education, regarding books of History and Maternal Language of the FYROM and four additional Balkan States. Examples of excerpts of various schools are interesting:

    In the second grade History book of secondary education, the map that defines the national borders of Macedonia includes the current area of the FYROM, Bulgarian Macedonia and an area of Greek territory, of which its south-western utmost point begins from the Greek-Albanian borders, it follows the ridge of mountain Olympus and continues along the whole Aegean coastal area, up to the bordering lines of prefectures Kavala and Xanthi.

    history thesis The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    No essential change in the handbooks is marked since the Interim Accord was signed in 1995. According to the Agreement “Each Party shall promptly take effective measures to prohibit hostile activities or propaganda by State-controlled agencies and to discourage acts by private entities likely to incite violence, hatred or hostility against each other”.

    In 1996-97 the Maternal Language and History books continue repeating the same stereotype: “the distinct element of the Macedonian Nation and the vision of liberating the remaining parts of Macedonia, that politically belong in the neighboring states of Macedonia.”

    The text reading of the total eight grades of public education, as well as the handbooks of linguistic exercises, present the geographic area of the three administrative sections of the Ottoman Empire in Europe, during the 19th C, as the paternal hearth of the neighboring state’s population.

    The Reading text of 8th grade, referring to the Vilayets of Thessaloniki, Monastiri, Kosovo-Skopje, the area of “Greater Macedonia”, states: “Macedonian land, land of the Fathers, land of the Ancestors, from Ohrid to the Aegean and to Pirin.”

    Equally characteristic, for the stereotype “Macedonia” and the consecutive fabricated arguments that are cultivated in the students of the FYROM, are also the verses included in the 2nd grade Reader of public school:

    “To Macedonia with love:

    From Pelister to Pirin,

    from Vroutok to the white Aegean,

    three flowers

    - a bouquet of flowers,

    a united nation.

    Macedonia, dear land!

    Beautiful land since many centuries,

    your name awakens love,

    a heart in three flowers,

    full love to us offers,

    Macedonia, name eternal!”

    Perhaps however, more indicative of the poem’s intention to maintain and preserve these feelings of “national unfairness”, is the question of the text’s comprehension which follows: “Pay attention to the verse. “a heart in three flowers “. Which heart are we talking about? Which are the three flowers the poet sings for?”

    book thesis The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    The researchers of these books observe that the books of History cultivate feelings of irredentism and national indignation in a greater degree than any other text, targeting the neighboring populations such as Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbs. The picture of an “occupied Macedonia of the Aegean” and an “oppressed Macedonian minority” in the Greek territory, totally dominates all texts.

    Also in frequent use are the terms “anti- Macedonians”, “assimilation”, “oppression”, “prohibition”, “denationalization” and “cruelty”. Indicative examples:

    The “bad” Greeks

    Regarding the period of WWI the eighth grade history book claims,

    Before the outbreak of WWI, Macedonia was shared in three parts, to three Balkan states, Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria, and a small piece was in Albania. The Macedonians were involuntarily mobilized to join the troops of these three Balkan states and were forced to fight for foreign interests… There was nothing advantageous for the Macedonian people in that region which was under Greek occupation. They mistreated the Macedonian population, just like the Bulgarian occupants in the other part of Macedonia…

    Regarding the period after WWII the 8th grade history book states,

    After the Varkiza agreement the Macedonian name and Macedonian language were both prohibited for a second time in the region of the Aegean Macedonia, as well as all national and cultural privileges that the Macedonian population had ensured at the duration of the struggle of liberation. Immediately after 1945, the Greek governments applied a policy of terrorism in order to force the Macedonian population to emigrate or to paralyze them in a national and political sense … The cruelty of Greek authorities, the imprisonments, the retribution, as well as the violent persecutions of the Macedonian people, fascinated the entire world. For the inhuman behavior [of the Greeks] toward the Macedonians the League of Nations became interested also.

    book1 thesis The Former Yugoslav Republic of  Macedonia   A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Appendix

    Of course a divided Macedonia “occupied” by foreign peoples.

    APPENDIX K

    INTERVIEW WITH A CITIZEN OF THE FYROM

    (name withheld for interviewee’s safety reasons)

    (Because this interview was conducted by electronic means it has been left unedited)

    -====================-

    Interview

    1. I want to thank you for accepting to participate in this interview. I understand you could be prosecuted under article 179 of the Penal Code. Could you please tell me about this law?

    Thank you. The article 179 of the Criminal Code of FYROM forbids derogation of the i.e. “Republic of Macedonia” without no further definition of both the concept of the RM as well as the scope of acts which may be considered a derogation in a judicial process. There exists a loose possibility that I may be persecuted by the Office of Public Persecutor on the basis of the statement, but that did not actualized conclusive to this moment. I do consider this law, in light of my Libertarian political beliefs, a repressive one since it protects a contraction i.e. “RM” in a manner that any serious discourse about how that particular manifestation of statehood came into being may be potentially considered derogation per se, regardless of the value of the presented thesis and arguments.

    2. Why are you giving this interview risking your education, future, even your freedom?

    Because of my desire to challenge indolence and nihilism motivated by however human, nevertheless wrong frame of mind: conformism, in spite of gross transgression represented by the ideology of Pseudo-Macedonism, omnipresent in the social fabric and generator of much confusion, both within academia and in the fields of politics. In recent several years there is certain marked liberalism with regard to exercise of speech, but unlike societies where historical/ethnological discourse represent nothing more and nothing less than a legitimate topic pursued for the enrichment of truth, in FYROM it is still at minimum an eyebrow-rising topic.

    Thus certain risk exist with regard to one safety and professional prosperity, but neither living in society overwhelmingly saturated by extremely elaborated lie is free and safe, nor professionalism exist where truthfulness, that sacrosanct principle is rejected in favour of conformism.

    3. I understand that you had hard time finding a notary public to notarize a document. Please tell me about the document. Did you translate it all?

    That is true; several notaries rejected my statement after giving a glance at the statement. It is likely they all of them were “ethnic Macedonians”. The reason for their rejection remains unknown to me; I can only guess that perhaps some of them did not want to relate themselves with such document. That stands in contrast with the FYROM legislative regulating notary work, which explicitly rejects notary’s responsibility for the content of the statement, its accuracy or the lack thereof.

    The statement was notarized in the office of an ethnic Albanian jurist, which lend plausibility to my theory that the “Macedonian” notaries were appalled by its content and haven’t performed this service due to this fact.

    There is no “judiciary authorized translation” of that statement, which would be only valid in domestic legal conditions. Only my translation of certain paragraphs exists.

    4. What would you characterize as roots of instability in the FYROM?

    The primary root of instability of FYROM lies in the desire, coupled with various form of might and strong social cohesion, of the ethnic Albanian element to secede from FYROM as a result of the aforementioned factors plus Balkan and macroglobal circumstances which allow such strategic projection by their leadership.

    While extremely ravaging economic situation in FYROM (technological obsolescence, degraded basic infrastructure, high unemployment) are contributing factors to the general state of insecurity, even energetic palliative measures cannot override the ethnic instability.

    The lack of genuine identity proliferated by the ideology of Pseudo-Macedonism is also a generator of tensions which official Skopje tends to project abroad.

    5. I assume that in the Department of History of the University they teach you that the ancient Macedonians were not Greeks. What is it that made you think otherwise?

    Your assumption is correct. The demagoguery that ancient Macedonians were not Greeks is strongly promoted at the University I attend. The entire curriculum about ancient Macedonia is carefully crafted in order to instil compliance. For example, publications by non-Balkan authorities are not allowed in the library of the aforementioned Department. ”Hammond” is a taboo name, as well as many other authors whose names students may dare to mention only if they polemically “challenge” their points. The only trend observable during recent years in local historiography is improved level of openness about the Bulgarian aspects of the past.

    I had the privilege to have access to a much wider materials than most of my colleagues, having even before my academic studies began, serious doubts on the official version of the history which in its entirety is post-1992 fabrication loosely related to the post-1944 dogma. After exploring archaeological material, historiographic and paleo-ethnologic works regarding the ancient Macedonians, my picture of them was complete in sense that I had certain outlines of their genesis and ethnological features. At a latter stage it become evident that Macedonians after the defeat by Romans passed through variety of cultural evolutions which in light of some general trends predating the invasion of Slavs, consolidated them further within the wider Greek world, to which they belong with their inception.

    Alternative theories like “Illyrian”, “Illyro-Thracian,” ”Pelasgian” have been discredited with arguments and cannot be longer held relevant. Ancient Macedonians represented a stock of people with all typological characteristics relevant for their categorization into the wider Hellenic world. Minor cultural syncretism, certain instance of historically attested apparent antagonisms with the rest of the Greece and several decontextualized sources do not undermine the authenticity of Macedonian’s Hellenism.

    6. How do the people of the FYROM feel about the Greek people?

    In general, they consider the Greek state as foe No 1, as attacker on the sacrosanct character of their imagined identity, with rare attempt to give second thought to what are serious arguments from official Athens. There is no hostility in its direct form against Greek people and among many Slavs of FYROM there is a rational understanding that ethical, mutual based interests. Greece, regardless of the complicated administrative procedure, remains very popular tourist destination. But the genuine reconciliation, in my opinion, should come via broadening of cooperation, while the main problem: existence of pseudo-ethnic identity coupled with unjustified irredentism is a issue which awaits major internal social transformations, dictated both by academia and politics.

    7. What name do you think would be appropriate for the FYROM?

    “ Republika Vardar”/”Republic of Vardar”

    The deficit, which is negligible, is that Axios/Vardar passes also through Northern Greece (Greek Macedonia). Also, it is somewhat reminiscent of “Vardarska Banovina,” briefly lasting subdivision of Royal Yugoslavia, a period disliked by many Slavs of FYROM.

    The River Vardar, its very name, is a proverbial part of the local folklore and it is not only ethnically neutral, but a preferred way to call what many of them perceive as the “Liberated Macedonia”. Of course, the name Macedonia should not under any circumstances figure into the name of this state, not even with descriptive part of the name which would (in vain) distinguish from Greek Macedonia.

    8. How do the people of the FYROM feel about the name of their country and their ethnicity?

    The totalitarian system instilled into many people of older and mid-generation a cult of the state. That vestige of the communist past still follows its own path determined by inertia and popular negligence to radically challenge the dysfunctional habits and patterns of mentality. Therefore, what are natural feelings towards a name of one’s own nation is augmented by the cult of the state in case of general population of FYROM. Their feelings, often expressed with marked affect when challenged by arguments are indicative of the lack of internal opposition to the Pseudo-Macedonism. The only individuals who act in according to reason are those who, mostly on private genealogical basis, opt for a draft-out from this fake ethnicity, by far most commonly by affiliation into Bulgarism. The only possible way to challenge the dogma of Pseudo-Macedonism is individual-based reconsideration of one’s own identity which would provide person’s true place in space and time. This, however, asks for initiative from inside and from the top. Regardless of what the dynamics of real political relationships in the Balkans brings, Pseudo-Macedonism may be defeated only by sound implementation of assertive academic stance. Only in this manner FYROM will cease to be a forgery-based bastion of totalitarianism.

    9. Thank you very much for this interview and good luck with your studies.

    You are welcome.

    APPENDIX L

    HRES 356 IH 202

    110th CONGRESS

    1st Session

    H. RES. 356

    Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) should stop the utilization of materials that violate provisions of the United Nations-brokered Interim Agreement between the FYROM and Greece regarding `hostile activities or propaganda’ and should work with the United Nations and Greece to achieve longstanding United States and United Nations policy goals of finding a mutually-acceptable official name for the FYROM.

    IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

    May 1, 2007

    Mrs. MALONEY of New York (for herself, Mr. WEXLER, Mr. GALLEGLY, and Mr. BILIRAKIS) submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs

    RESOLUTION

    Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) should stop the utilization of materials that violate provisions of the United Nations-brokered Interim Agreement between the FYROM and Greece regarding `hostile activities or propaganda’ and should work with the United Nations and Greece to achieve longstanding United States and United Nations policy goals of finding a mutually-acceptable official name for the FYROM.

    Whereas on April 8, 1993, the United Nations General Assembly admitted as a member the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), under the name the `Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’;

    Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 817 (1993) states that the dispute over the name must be resolved to maintain peaceful relations between Greece and the FYROM;

    Whereas on September 13, 1995, Greece and the FYROM signed a United Nations-brokered Interim Accord that, among other things, commits them to not `support claims to any part of the territory of the other party or claims for a change of their existing frontiers’;

    Whereas a pre-eminent goal of the United Nations Interim Accord was to stop the FYROM from utilizing, since its admittance to the United Nations in 1993, what the Accord calls, `propaganda’, including in school textbooks;

    Whereas a television report in recent years showed students in a state-run school in the FYROM still being taught that parts of Greece, including Greek Macedonia, are rightfully part of the FYROM;

    Whereas some textbooks, including the Military Academy textbook published in 2004 by the Military Academy `General Mihailo Apostolski’ in the FYROM capital city, contain maps showing that a `Greater Macedonia’ extends many miles south into Greece to Mount Olympus and miles east to Mount Pirin in Bulgaria;

    Whereas in direct contradiction of the spirit of the United Nations Interim Accord’s section `A’, entitled `Friendly Relations and Confidence Building Measures’, which attempts to eliminate challenges regarding `historic and cultural patrimony’, the Government of FYROM recently renamed the capital city’s international airport `Alexander the Great’;

    Whereas the aforementioned acts constitute a breach of the FYROM’s international obligations deriving from the spirit of the United Nations Interim Accord, which provides that FYROM should abstain from any form of `propaganda’ against Greece’s historical or cultural heritage;

    Whereas such acts are not compatible with the Article 10 of the United Nations Interim Accord regarding `improving understanding and good neighbourly relations’, as well as with European standards and values endorsed by European Union member-states; and

    Whereas this information, like that exposed in the media report and elsewhere, being used contrary to the United Nations Interim Accord instills hostility and a rationale for irredentism in portions of the population of the FYROM toward Greece and the history of Greece: Now, therefore, be it

    Resolved, That the House of Representatives—

    (1) urges the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) to observe its obligations under Article 7 of the 1995 United Nations-brokered Interim Accord which directs the parties to `promptly take effective measures to prohibit hostile activities or propaganda by state-controlled agencies and to discourage acts by private entities likely to incite violence, hatred or hostility’ and review the contents of textbooks, maps, and teaching aids to ensure that such tools are stating accurate information; and

    (2) urges the FYROM to work within the framework of the United Nations process with Greece to achieve longstanding United States and United Nations policy goals by reaching a mutually-acceptable official name for the FYROM.

    APPENDIX M

    SRES 300 IS 203

    110th CONGRESS

    1st Session

    S. RES. 300

    Expressing the sense of the Senate that the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) should stop the utilization of materials that violate provisions of the United Nations-brokered Interim Agreement between FYROM and Greece regarding `hostile activities or propaganda’ and should work with the United Nations and Greece to achieve longstanding United States and United Nations policy goals of finding a mutually-acceptable official name for FYROM.

    IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

    August 3, 2007

    Mr. MENENDEZ (for himself, Ms. SNOWE, and Mr. OBAMA) submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations

    RESOLUTION

    Expressing the sense of the Senate that the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM)

    should stop the utilization of materials that violate provisions of the United Nations-brokered Interim Agreement between FYROM and Greece regarding `hostile activities or propaganda’ and should work with the United Nations and Greece to achieve longstanding United States and United Nations policy goals of finding a mutually-acceptable official name for FYROM.

    Whereas, on April 8, 1993, the United Nations General Assembly admitted as a member the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), under the name the `Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’;

    Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 817 (1993) states that the dispute over the name must be resolved to maintain peaceful relations between Greece and FYROM;

    Whereas, on September 13, 1995, Greece and FYROM signed a United Nations-brokered Interim Accord that, among other things, commits them to not `support claims to any part of the territory of the other party or claims for a change of their existing frontiers’;

    Whereas a pre-eminent goal of the United Nations Interim Accord was to stop FYROM from utilizing, since its admittance to the United Nations in 1993, what the Accord calls `propaganda’, including in school textbooks;

    Whereas a television report in recent years showed students in a state-run school in FYROM still being taught that parts of Greece, including Greek Macedonia, are rightfully part of FYROM;

    Whereas some textbooks, including the Military Academy textbook published in 2004 by the Military Academy `General Mihailo Apostolski’ in the FYROM capital city, contain maps showing that a `Greater Macedonia’ extends many miles south into Greece to Mount Olympus and miles east to Mount Pirin in Bulgaria;

    Whereas, in direct contradiction of the spirit of the United Nations Interim Accord’s section `A’, entitled `Friendly Relations and Confidence Building Measures’, which attempts to eliminate challenges regarding `historic and cultural patrimony’, the Government of FYROM recently renamed the capital city’s international airport `Alexander the Great Airport’;

    Whereas the aforementioned acts constitute a breach of FYROM’s international obligations deriving from the spirit of the United Nations Interim Accord, which provide that FYROM should abstain from any form of `propaganda’ against Greece’s historical or cultural heritage;

    Whereas such acts are not compatible with Article 10 of the United Nations Interim Accord, which calls for `improving understanding and good neighbourly relations’, as well as with European standards and values endorsed by European Union member-states;

    and

    Whereas this information, like that exposed in the media report and elsewhere, being used contrary to the United Nations Interim Accord instills hostility and a rationale for irredentism in portions of the population of FYROM toward Greece and the history of Greece: Now, therefore, be it

    Resolved, That the Senate—

    (1) urges the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) to observe its obligations under Article 7 of the 1995 United Nations-brokered Interim Accord, which directs the parties to `promptly take effective measures to prohibit hostile activities or propaganda by state-controlled agencies and to discourage acts by private entities likely to incite violence, hatred or hostility’ and review the contents of textbooks, maps, and teaching aids to ensure that such tools are stating accurate information; and

    (2) urges FYROM to work with Greece within the framework of the United Nations process to achieve longstanding United States and United Nations policy goals by reaching a mutually-acceptable official name for FYROM.

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    Want more of this? See these Posts:

    1. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia - A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Chapter 1
    2. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia - A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Chapter 4
    3. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia - A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Conclusion
    4. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia - A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs, Chapter 5
    5. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia - A Challenge to the Macedonism of the Slavs © Marcus A. Templar, 2008 - Abstract and Ackowledgment
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